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【鹿島神宮の霊験、落とし物SUICAリターン篇-1】


先週には日曜日をまたいで、東京・関東に滞在していました。また再び東京ビッグサイトでのイベントにも参加してきたのですが、時間を見つけて休日にはこのブログの取材も兼ねて「鹿島神宮」と香取神宮、息栖神社の東国三社をライフワークとして取材行脚（？）していました。
東京都内から炎暑のなか、レンタカーを借りて一路、この地域まで。

都内滞在中はほぼ電車移動なので、SUICAは移動の基本手形。移動目的地までの交通手段は「乗換案内」などのアプリを利用すれば瞬時に最短ルートを示してくれる。SUICAさえあれば、こういう移動のメンドくささはほぼなくなる。炎暑の中だけれど便利に移動できるのはありがたい。
しかしやはり暑いので薄着なので、手荷物類の衣類収納、ポケット収納は限定的になる。
わたしの場合、ウェストポーチにもなるショルダーポーチメインでほぼ収納し、小銭入れやSUICA、ハンカチなどをズボンポケットに収納していた。とくに神社仏閣などでは小銭入れからお賽銭を出したりするので小銭入れとSUICAは仲良く同居する。
鹿島神宮地域まではクルマだったのでこのような収納スタイルは本来不要だったけれど、都内移動での常態からあんまり変えると不意に「あれどこだっけ？」と失念することがあり得るので、スタイルは変えなかった。
で、鹿島神宮でありがたく参拝させていただいて、祭神・武甕槌大神（たけみかづちおおかみ）との再会を言祝がせていただいた。その後、前述の東国三社を巡り歩き、ホテルに戻った。
ふと気付いてSUICAを探したけれど見当たらない。どうも小銭入れから賽銭を出したとき、SUICAは随伴して転げ落ちてしまったようだ。ちょうどチャージもしていたので残額は10,000円前後。もったいないし、ひょっとしてそれ以上にカードが悪用されることもあり得る。最近物騒。で、ググってみたらJRのHPで「新幹線の駅のみどりの窓口」で紛失届すると再発行手続きできるとあった。
で、届け出たら再発行SUICAは翌日以降の手渡しでその期間も２週間以内限定になるという。これはどういう根拠からの決まりなのかは、問い合わせても不明だった。しかも札幌はJR北海道管内でありJR東日本とは別会社なので札幌に帰ったら事実上もうムリとのこと。残念ながら帰還はこの日の夕方だったのです。
個人名入りのSUICAなので個人情報は容易に特定可能ですべてWEB上での処置が可能なはずで、この決まりの根拠はユーザーには理解不能。手続きしてくれた窓口の女性の方も「わたしも、ヘンだと・・・」思うということ。
まぁしかしやむを得ないので、手続きだけはして無用の悪用可能性を除去することにした。

で、当日の要件を片付けて札幌帰還後の翌日昼過ぎになって、ケータイに着信。
連絡者は鹿島神宮管轄の警察署からで、件のSUICAが落とし物届け出されたという連絡。おお、であります。そのプロセスを考えて見れば、多数の関東のみなさんの善意の積み重ねが見えてくる。落とし物を発見して，警察に届け出てくれたこと。そして警察の方は個人情報にアクセスしてわたしの電話番号を探して丁寧に電話連絡してくれたこと。まことに鹿島神宮の霊験としか考えようがない。
・・・ちょっとブログとしては長文になりすぎるので以下は、あしたへ。

English version⬇

The Sacred Spirit of Kashima Jingu Shrine, Lost and Found SUICA Return-1
The blessings of Takemikazuchi Okami, the deity of the shrine, who loves justice. He descended to us, the poor travelers. …….

Last week I was in Tokyo and Kanto over Sunday. I also attended an event at Tokyo Big Sight again, and on my days off, I found time to visit the “Kashima Jingu Shrine,” Katori Jingu Shrine, and the three shrines in the eastern part of Japan to do research for this blog as part of my life’s work (?). I was in the middle of a hot summer day in Tokyo.
I rented a car and drove all the way from Tokyo to this area in the blazing heat.

Since most of my time in Tokyo is spent traveling by train, SUICA is my basic bill for transportation. If I have SUICA, the hassle of such travel is almost eliminated. It is nice to be able to move around conveniently in the blazing heat.
However, since it is still hot and I am wearing light clothing, the storage space for my hand luggage in my clothes and pockets is limited.
In my case, I used a shoulder pouch that doubles as a waist pouch for most of my luggage, while I stored my coin purse, SUICA, handkerchief, etc. in my pants pocket. Especially at shrines and temples, I would take out money offerings from the coin purse, so the coin purse and SUICA lived together in harmony.
Since I drove to the Kashima Jingu area, this style of storage was unnecessary, but I did not change it because I might lose it unexpectedly if I changed it too much from the usual way of traveling in Tokyo.
I was grateful for the opportunity to visit the Kashima Jingu Shrine, where I was reunited with Takemikazuchi Okami, the deity of the shrine. After that, I walked around the three shrines in the eastern part of Japan mentioned above and returned to the hotel.
I suddenly realized that I had looked for my SUICA, but could not find it. It seemed that when I took out my money from the coin purse, the SUICA fell down with it. I had just recharged it, so the remaining amount was around 10,000 yen. It was a waste of money, and there was a possibility that the card could have been misused for more than that. So I googled and found on JR’s website that you can report the loss of your card at the Midori-no-madoguchi (ticket counter) of Shinkansen stations and they will reissue a new card.
I found out that if you report the loss, the reissued SUICA will be handed over to you the next day or later, and only for a period of two weeks or less. I inquired as to the reason for this rule, but it was unclear. Furthermore, since Sapporo is under the jurisdiction of JR Hokkaido, which is a separate company from JR Kanto, it would be virtually impossible to return to Sapporo. Unfortunately, the return trip was that evening.
Since the SUICA has a personal name on it, everything should be able to be handled on the web, and the rationale for this rule is incomprehensible to users. The lady at the counter who took care of the procedure also said, “I also think it’s strange…”.
Well, it was unavoidable, so I decided to just go through the procedure and eliminate the possibility of unnecessary abuse.

The next day, after I had completed the day’s requirements and returned to Sapporo, I received a call on my cell phone in the early afternoon.
The caller was from the police station with jurisdiction over Kashima Jingu Shrine, informing that the SUICA in question had been reported as a lost property. Oh, yes. If you think about the process, you can see the accumulation of the goodwill of many people in Kanto. The fact that they found the lost item and reported it to the police. The police accessed my personal information, found my phone number, and politely called me. I can only think of it as a spiritual blessing of Kashima Jingu Shrine.
…This is a bit too long for a blog, so I’ll leave the rest for tomorrow.

Posted on 8月 3rd, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 日本社会・文化研究 | No Comments »

【利根川東遷痕跡から鹿島神宮・東国三社地域探訪へ】



さてきのうまでで浦和の古民家園シリーズを終えました。
で、関東の古代の姿を再確認していくと、利根川の東遷という巨大自然改造が江戸時代初期に行われて、その結果として首都地域・江戸東京の地域的安定性が高まった様子がわかってきた。
先日中国では台風の被害で首都・北京での大洪水ぶりが報道されていました。北京からのニュース映像では、コンクリート製の橋が崩壊したりしていました。ことしの夏の異常と言われる暑さといい気候の凶暴化ということも言われていますが、さてどうなのでしょうか？
日本でもあのような洪水被害が家康による大土木工事以前には日常的にあったと推測できます。利根川東遷という公共事業の有効性が、その後の首都東京の発展の基礎だったことを考えれば、先人の労苦の重みを知らされる。家康という存在は、戦国の覇者という側面も大きいけれど、治山治水という政治の要諦における果断な判断力、政治力の凄さを知らされる思いがします。「どうする家康」で、今後、そういうドラマチックではない側面にどこまで迫れるでしょうか？武将としての役割を持って仕えた本多忠勝が晩年、家康の政治中心姿勢に「平八は（怒りで）腹が腐って果てました、と伝えろ」と嘆いた説話がある。
このあたり興味を持っていますが、さて「どうする家康」はどうする？
で、話は戻って、関東最大の暴れ川にして関東の地域開発の障害になっていた利根川。家康が東遷させて治水の実効性を高め領国の経済安定を実現させたけれど、ではなぜ太平洋に面した鹿島神宮などのある地域に向かったのか？霞ヶ浦〜香取の海の付近に鎮座する東国三社、鹿島神宮・息栖神社・香取神宮の周辺地域に強く興味が向かった。
ちょうど２番目の地図では、関東平野地域の地形変化ぶりを表現していますが、利根川を東遷させた水路の最終地が、これらの神が鎮座する地域に相当するのですね。利根川東遷でこの地域に流路変更させたこととの歴史的関係性は？　それは偶然なのか？
関東平野を真横に貫く国土改造計画であったことがよくわかる。家康は戦国の武将であった以上に、田中角栄の数十倍の「日本列島改造」者であったことがわかるのですね。
北海道ではここまでの自然改造の必要性はなかったけれど、代わりに寒冷気候対応でのフロンティア開拓移住、住宅の高断熱高気密化という住宅技術開発が必須化されて、利根川東遷とも比肩できる「日本人住意識改造」を進めたとも思える。
北海道人としてはこんな思いから無縁の先人痕跡とも思えない部分があって、ときおりこの東国三社地域への歴史経緯掘り起こし探究をしてきています。
北海道からはかなり遠い地域だけれど、成田空港便が便利になったことで比較的に身近になっても来ている。そんなことから、利根川東遷の最終経路流域を探ってみたい。

English version⬇

From the traces of the eastward shift of the Tone River to Kashima Jingu Shrine and the three shrines in the eastern part of Japan
Ieyasu was a warlord, but more than that, he was a remodeler of the Japanese archipelago dozens of times greater than Kakuei Tanaka. His frontier spirit can be traced back to the development of Hokkaido. Hokkaido

Well, we have finished the series of the old private house garden in Urawa until yesterday.
In reconfirming the ancient state of the Kanto region, I have come to understand how a huge natural transformation called the eastward shift of the Tone River took place in the early Edo period (1603-1868), which resulted in the increased regional stability of the capital region, Edo Tokyo.
The other day in China, the typhoon damage caused by the typhoon was reported as a major flooding in the capital city of Beijing. News footage from Beijing showed concrete bridges collapsing. The summer heat this year is said to be abnormal and the climate is said to be getting more violent, but what do you think?
It can be inferred that flood damage like that was common in Japan before Ieyasu’s massive civil engineering works. Considering that the effectiveness of the public works project of moving the Tone River eastward was the basis for the subsequent development of the capital city of Tokyo, we are informed of the weight of our predecessors’ labor and hardship. Ieyasu was not only the supreme ruler of the Warring States period, but he was also a man of decisive judgment and political power in the key political issue of flood control. I wonder how much of this less dramatic side of Ieyasu will be explored in “What to Do About Ieyasu” in the future? There is a story that Honda Tadakatsu, who served as a military commander, lamented Ieyasu’s politically-centered stance in his later years, saying, “Tell him that Heihachi ended up with a rotten stomach (due to anger).
I am interested in this area. Now, what about “What to do, Ieyasu?
So, back to the Tone River, which was the largest rampaging river in the Kanto region and an obstacle to regional development in the Kanto region. I was strongly interested in the area facing the Pacific Ocean before Ieyasu moved it eastward to increase the effectiveness of flood control and achieve economic stability in his domain, and the area around the three shrines of the East, Kashima Shrine, Katori Shrine, and Katori Shrine, which are located near the sea from Kasumigaura to Katori.
Just the second map shows the topographical changes in the Kanto Plain area, and the final location of the waterway that moved the Tone River eastward corresponds to the area where these deities are located. What is the historical relationship between the Tone River’s eastward shift and the fact that the flow path was changed in this area?　Is it a coincidence?
It is clear that this was a national land reform plan that went right across the Kanto Plain. You can see that Ieyasu was more than a warlord, he was a “remodeler of the Japanese archipelago” dozens of times more than Kakuei Tanaka.
In Hokkaido, there was no need to remodel the natural environment to this extent, but instead, frontier settlements in response to the cold climate and the development of housing technology to make houses highly insulated and airtight were essential, which can be compared to the Tone River Eastward Transition.
As a Hokkaido native, I have sometimes been exploring the history of the three shrines in the eastern part of the country, because I cannot think of them as traces of ancestors unrelated to me.
Although the area is quite far from Hokkaido, it has become relatively close to us thanks to the convenience of flights from Narita Airport. In light of this, I would like to explore the final route basin of the Tone River’s eastward transition.

Posted on 8月 2nd, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 住宅マーケティング, 日本社会・文化研究 | No Comments »

【神仏信仰と日本人の倫理感　氷川神社末社・安楽寺庫裡-6】




さて日本人の倫理感の一断面として「落とし物が帰ってくる」確率が異常に高いということと、そういう日本の社会性はどのように育てられてきたかについて考えて見た。
ちょうど浦和の古民家群取材で神社の神職にしてお寺の住職でもあった庫裡の家を見ていたので日本的宗教性と倫理規範との関係に自然とテーマが向かったということ。
人類が進化して行く過程で宗教というものは必然的に随伴してきたものでしょう。言葉が生まれてコミュニケーションが成立し社会というものが生成した。ある種の「掟」が必要になっていって、それが「体系化」される必然が生まれた。まずはエジプトとかメソポタミアなどで社会が生まれたとき、基本的には太陽への自然崇拝が同時進行したと思える。たぶん人類普遍としては、太陽とか天体観測がベースになったことだろう。
天体の運行というものの規則性、不変なるものへの憧憬が共有の思考基盤になることは非常にわかりやすい。地球上に生きるイキモノすべてに共有可能な知識でしょう。とくに人類という存在はグレートジャーニーによって地球上の全大陸に進出した。そのときにいわば「羅針盤」としての天体運行、太陽の動きの把握はもっとも肝要だったに違いない。定住が始まって農業社会が始まったときにはとくに太陽の運行の研究は切実なテーマであり権力を持つ「支配層」はそれを必死で考えたことだろう。
日本社会は縄文の世以来、すべてに「神が宿る」という自然崇拝が基本。四季変化の明瞭な気候と、火山列島としての各地域の風土性の違いが大きく、いわゆる「八百万」の神々という社会が成立した。出雲にはそうした神々が一度に集う時期があって「神在月」と呼ばれ、それ以外の地域では「神無月」とされた。きわめて分権制の高い連合国家がマザーの日本社会だったのだと思う。
神道というものの基盤はこうした八百万の社会規範だったのだと思う。そしてそれぞれの地域社会で有力者が出現していった。そういう精神性風土に対してヤマト王権というゆるやかな古代王権が連合国家的なまとまりを作って行った。神武東征による政権の樹立経緯などがそれに当たるのだろう。
そこからさらに東アジア世界で政治権力強勢の律令制国家が出現したことで、国家の近代化の必要性が高まって仏教の導入が行われた。日本の不思議さは、これらの社会システム変換の度に、きわめて柔軟にその変化を受容してきたことではないか。もちろん多少の戦乱争闘はあったけれど、中国大陸・朝鮮半島のような激烈さはなかった。きわめて平和的に受容し続けたのだろう。
そういう歴史の流れの末に、わたしたち社会は、どこでモノを紛失しても「届け出る」倫理感の高い国民性を獲得してきている。驚くべき先人たちの知恵と思えてならない。
やはり「お天道様が見ている」自然への深い帰依か？

English version⬇

Shinto and Buddhist Beliefs and Japanese Ethics: Hikawa Shrine and Anrakuji Temple – 6
Why do lost and found items have an unusually high probability of being returned to their rightful owners in Japanese society? Why is it that the probability of lost and found items being returned is so high in Japanese society? …

I have been thinking about the unusually high probability of “lost items coming back” as one aspect of the Japanese sense of ethics, and how such a Japanese social character has been nurtured.
I had just visited an old house in Urawa where a priest of a Shinto shrine and a priest of a temple lived, so my theme naturally turned to the relationship between Japanese religiosity and ethical standards.
Religion has been an inevitable part of the human evolutionary process. Language was born, communication was established, and society was born. Certain “rules” became necessary, and the necessity to “systematize” them arose. First of all, when societies were born in Egypt and Mesopotamia, it seems that nature worship of the sun basically proceeded at the same time. Perhaps, as a universal human concept, it was based on the observation of the sun and celestial bodies.
It is very easy to understand that the yearning for the regularity and constancy of the celestial movements is the basis of shared thinking. It is a knowledge that can be shared by all living things on earth. In particular, the human race has advanced to all continents of the earth in its Great Journey. At that time, understanding celestial navigation and the movement of the sun as a “compass,” so to speak, must have been most important. When agricultural societies began to settle in Japan, the study of the sun became an especially important theme, and the “ruling class” must have thought about how to make use of it.
Since the Jomon period, Japanese society has been based on the worship of nature, believing that there is a god dwelling in all things. The climate, with its distinct seasonal changes, and the great differences in the climatic characteristics of the various regions of the volcanic archipelago, have led to the establishment of a society of so-called “eight million” deities. In Izumo, there was a period when all the gods gathered at once, which was called “kamizaitsuki,” while in other areas it was called “kaminashizuki. I believe that the Japanese society of the mothers was a highly decentralized federation of states.
I believe that the foundation of Shinto was this social norm of eight million people. And in each local society, powerful figures emerged. In response to this spiritual climate, a loose ancient royal power called the Yamato Royalty established a united state-like structure. The establishment of the government through the Jinmu expedition is probably a good example of this.
The emergence of the Ritsuryo system of government in East Asia further increased the need for modernization of the nation and led to the introduction of Buddhism. The wonder of Japan is that it has been extremely flexible in accepting these changes in its social system. Of course, there were some wars and struggles, but nothing as violent as in mainland China or the Korean peninsula. They have continued to accept the changes in an extremely peaceful manner.
As a result of this historical process, our society has acquired a high sense of ethics and a national character that allows us to “report” the loss of any item, no matter where it is lost. This is a remarkable wisdom of our ancestors.
Is it still a deep devotion to nature that “the heavens are watching”?

Posted on 8月 1st, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 日本社会・文化研究 | No Comments »

【日本的「坐る」文化格式表現　氷川神社末社・安楽寺庫裡-5】



昨日、日本の囲炉裏と西洋の暖炉について書いていて、家族からの率直な感想チェックで気付かされたこと。「坐る」文化と椅子の文化による違いという視点。言われてみて、あまりにも腑に落ちた次第。
しかし日本文化の特徴である囲炉裏は「食遊」の空間でもあったことが、西洋社会の暖炉文化とは大きく相違していったということか。暖炉では、たとえば肉を串刺しして輻射熱調理して食べるという文化は優勢ではない。一方、日本の囲炉裏では灰ガラをほどよく積層させそこに串を立てて調理する文化が根付いた。日本料理では肉類はあくまでも「鍋」のうまみとして食することが主流で、魚こそがこうした串刺し料理にふさわしく、海に囲まれ多様の河川に恵まれた風土によって支配的食文化になっていった。
暖炉には食文化涵養の痕跡は乏しいのではないか。さらに中国文化圏では囲炉裏はどうも多数派の生活文化にはなっていないように思う。むしろ暖炉の方に寄っていると思える。また朝鮮半島や北東アジアで一般的な床暖房のオンドルでの調理文化もあまり聞かない。このあたりはもうちょっと探索してみたい。
ちなみに暖炉のWikiページには以下のような記述。「暖炉は特に西洋では部屋の格式や、席次を決める上での重要な調度品であり、暖炉周りのマントルピースなどの装飾には力が注がれる 」とある。このあたりは、日本文化でも同様で，きのう書いたように席次による格式が顕著に存在した。
で、この「席次序列」の考え方・思考法は日本家屋全体にわたって展開していくことになる。いちばん上の写真はこの神仏習合庫裡のいちばんの格式空間、床の間付き座敷。
今日でもこうした空間に出会うと日本人は、席を譲り合うという独特の社会儀礼がある。
「○○さんは、ぜひこちらに」
「いえいえ、わたしなぞ末席を汚させていただきます、あなたこそこちらへ」
みたいな予定調和的言葉掛け、やり取りが日本人DNAには仕込まれている。「床柱が似合う」というような人物評価の言語表現も存在している。こういう「空気感」感受性こそが日本人「らしさ」の究極かも。
この席次序列の考え方が日本建築には色濃く伝承されていった。


わたしは北海道生まれであり、こういう席次序列文化による間取り構成住宅からは最初期に離脱した住文化社会に属している。しかし、日本人としてのDNAはまだこういう空間に反応したくなる部分がある。畳がお尻に微妙な繊維質感を伝えて、その快感にウットリするような（笑）。
椅子やソファでの暮らしで寒さ暑さから解放された高断熱高気密ライフスタイルに圧倒的に満たされながら、たまに外食するなら、炭火の囲炉裏端みたいな店内インテリアの空間で、できれば魚の串焼きに癒されたいという内奥からの欲求もあるのだ。ニッポン的ごちゃ混ぜ生活文化か（笑）。

English version⬇

Japanese “sitting” cultural prestigious expression: Hikawa Shrine and Anraku-ji Temple Kori-5
The family’s straightforward impression became clear to me. The Japanese architectural culture of sitting, a lifestyle culture derived from Irori (hearth), deeply engraved in our DNA. The Irori-derived lifestyle culture deeply imprinted in our DNA.

Yesterday, when I wrote about Japanese hearths and Western fireplaces, I was reminded by an honest feedback check from a family member. The difference between the culture of sitting and the culture of chairs. When I was told this, it became all too clear to me.
The hearth, a characteristic of Japanese culture, was also a space for “eating and playing,” which was very different from the fireplace culture of Western society. In the fireplace, for example, the culture of skewering meat and eating it cooked by radiant heat is not predominant. On the other hand, in Japan, the culture of cooking meat on skewers in a hearth with a good layer of ash and ash residue has taken root. In Japanese cuisine, meat is usually consumed as a “nabe” (pot), and fish is the most suitable for this kind of skewered food.
The fireplace may be a poor evidence of the cultivation of food culture. Furthermore, in the Chinese cultural sphere, the hearth does not seem to have become a dominant part of the lifestyle culture. Rather, it seems to be more in the direction of fireplaces. Also, I have not heard much about the cooking culture using ondol, a floor heating system commonly used in the Korean Peninsula and Northeast Asia. I would like to explore this area a little more.
Incidentally, the Wiki page on fireplaces has the following description. The fireplace is an important furnishing in determining the prestige of a room, especially in the West, and a lot of effort is put into decorating the mantelpiece and other parts around the fireplace. As I wrote yesterday, there was a pronounced hierarchy of seating in the Japanese culture as well.
This “seating order” concept and way of thinking developed throughout the Japanese house. The photo above is the most prestigious space in the kori, which is a combination of the Shinto and Buddhist temples, with a tokonoma (alcove).
Even today, when encountering such a space, Japanese people have a unique social ritual of giving up their seats to each other.
“Please come this way, Mr. XX.
No, no, no, I’m sorry to make a mess of your seat, you go this way.
Such scheduled exchanges of words and phrases are ingrained in the DNA of the Japanese people. There is also a verbal expression of character evaluation, such as, “You look good in the tokonobashira. This kind of “airiness” and sensitivity may be the ultimate in Japanese “character.
This concept of the pecking order has been passed down strongly in Japanese architecture.

I was born in Hokkaido, and belong to a housing culture society that has moved away from this type of floor plan structure in the early stages of its history. However, as a Japanese, there is still a part of my DNA that wants to respond to this kind of space. The tatami conveys a subtle fiber texture to the buttocks, and the pleasant sensation makes me swoon (laughs).
While overwhelmingly satisfied with the highly insulated and airtight lifestyle of living on chairs and sofas, free from cold and heat, there is also a desire from deep within to eat out occasionally, preferably in a space with a restaurant interior like a charcoal sunken hearth edge, and to be soothed by grilled fish skewers. It is the Nippon way of life and culture, a mixture of the two.

Posted on 7月 31st, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 未分類 | No Comments »

【囲炉裏火力調節のお魚デザイン　氷川神社末社・安楽寺庫裡-4】




現代生活で失われた日本人のライフデザイン要素として囲炉裏がある。囲炉裏は日常食の食卓であり、家族の中での自然な「座り位置」関係の表現まで含めて日本人の意識を潜在的に規定してきた。
最上位の位置は、土間方向に向かっていちばん座敷側になる位置。左右に家族が座って、もっとも上座の場所に家族でのいちばんの権威者が座っていた。通常は戸主がその座を占めていた。わが家の古い記憶では家長としての祖父がその場に常にいたように記憶している。しかし、そうであっても家族団欒の象徴的な場所であることは間違いがなく、筋を通しながら、家族のいのちと共感を繋ぐ空間だった。
そういう囲炉裏に掛ける鍋類を「腕木」で火力を調整した。煮立てるまでは火に近づけて、煮たってしまったら、今度は温度維持に変化させたのだ。言ってみれば火力の段階調整具。
この装置のデザインでは圧倒的に「お魚」さんが主流を形成した。
日本人のタンパク源取得が圧倒的に魚類だったことが関係しているのか、あるいは鍋料理としては基調的な味覚はさかなが支配的だったことに起因しているのか。いずれにせよ、そのデザインは魚が主流。どうして魚なのだろうか？また外国ではそもそも囲炉裏や自在鉤ってあるのだろうか、どうなのか？
「魚は水に通じるということで火事を避けるお守りの意味があり、また魚には瞼がないことから眠らないー居眠りして火を絶やさないとか、目を離して火事を起こさないという意味がある」という説。これが主流の解釈のようです。しかし鍋料理の主役が魚であることの方がしっくりと馴染む気がする。
またこのテーマでWEB検索してみても、中国雲南省の民家で囲炉裏が見られる程度で、欧米の場合はやはり「暖炉」であって囲炉裏という暖房兼用の調理文化は見られないようだ。
そのように考えてくると、囲炉裏という文化自体が日本人の精神性形成に非常に大きな影響をもたらした生活文化であることが見通せてくる。欧米人と比較して「家」意識が濃厚なのが日本人だと思うけれど、個人主義とは相当に乖離のあるこうした倫理意識が、日本人の本質なのかも知れない。武士たちは、家の存続のために自分のいのちを賭けて戦っていた。自分が死んでも家が存続していくために命をなげうったのには、囲炉裏を囲んで常に家意識を高め続けた生活文化が大きいのかも知れない。
そういう囲炉裏火力で、ユーモラスなお魚さんがキーデザインになっていることも面白い。縄文以来、海の幸、川の幸の主役として日本人の心の底に魚の残像が刻印され続けてきたようですね。

English version⬇

Fish Designs for Irori Fireplace Heat Adjustment: Hikawa Shrine’s Yuhisha and Anrakuji Temple’s Kori-4
Fish is the mainstay of the pot dish that hangs over the hearth as a folk tradition. This unconscious area continued to be imprinted at the base of the Japanese sense of home. The…

One element of Japanese life design that has been lost in modern life is the hearth. The hearth is the dining table for daily meals and has subconsciously defined the Japanese consciousness, including the expression of the natural “sitting position” relationship within the family.
The highest position is the one that is farthest toward the earthen floor on the tatami room side. The family members sat on either side, and the person with the most authority in the family sat in the most senior position. Usually, the head of the household occupied this position. In my family’s old memories, my grandfather as the patriarch of the family was always present. Even so, there is no doubt that it was a symbolic place for family reunion, a space that connected the family’s life and sympathy while making sense of it.
The pots and pans that hung over such a hearth were adjusted in terms of fire power with an “arm tree. The pots and pans were placed close to the fire until they were simmering, and once they were simmering, the temperature was maintained at a constant level. In other words, it is a device that adjusts the heat power in stages.
Fish” formed the overwhelming mainstream in the design of this device.
Perhaps this is due to the fact that fish was the predominant source of protein for the Japanese, or perhaps it is due to the fact that fish was the dominant taste in nabe dishes. Either way, its design is dominated by fish. Why fish? And in foreign countries, do they have hearths and free-standing hooks, or not?
The theory is that “fish is connected to water, which means it is a talisman to avoid fire, and since fish have no eyelids, it means that they do not sleep – they do not doze off and keep the fire going, or that they do not take their eyes off the fire and cause it to burn. This seems to be the mainstream interpretation. However, I think it is more fitting that fish is the main ingredient in nabe dishes.
In addition, a web search on this theme shows that hearths can only be found in private homes in China’s Yunnan Province, and it seems that in the West, the hearth is still a “fireplace” and not a hearth, a cooking culture that doubles as a heating system.
In this way, we can see that the hearth culture itself is a lifestyle culture that has had a very significant impact on the formation of the Japanese mentality. The Japanese have a strong sense of “home” compared to Westerners, but this sense of ethics, which is quite different from individualism, may be the essence of the Japanese people. Samurai warriors fought for the survival of their families, risking their own lives. Perhaps the reason why they sacrificed their lives to ensure the continuation of the family even after their own deaths was due in large part to their culture of living around the hearth, which constantly heightened their sense of family.
It is interesting to note that humorous fish are a key design element of such hearth fire power. It seems that since the Jomon period, the afterimage of fish has continued to be imprinted deep in the hearts of Japanese people as the mainstay of seafood and river food.

Posted on 7月 30th, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 住宅性能・設備, 日本社会・文化研究 | No Comments »

【ひとをやさしく迎える食の空間　氷川神社末社・安楽寺庫裡-3】




日本的伝統である神仏習合の寺院の庫裡住宅訪問その３であります。
こうした寺院併設の集会機能空間は、日本人の精神性に於いては地域社会の「公民館・会所」的な役割を果たし続けてきたと思われる。公的な性格を濃厚に持った地域の「寄り合い」の空間だったのだと思う。きのう「ひとびとの倫理感の揺りかご」と表現したけれど、この埼玉県さいたま市の一地域にとってみると、神仏習合のこの空間はそのような性格を持っていた。
わたし自身の現場体感では建築外観としてのひとつの典型をみるような思いだった。ヨーロッパ社会ではキリスト教という一神教の精神規範が常識だけれど、日本社会はまったく別の、しかし民族独特の無上な「倫理感」が支配していた。その精神性の実質が、茅葺きの大屋根、せがい造りの外観にシンプルに生きている。帰依するという感覚ではなく、身が引き締まる、こころが無私になる、というような感覚の倫理感。・・・
そういう集会機能のためにはひとびとの食を満たす装置も不可欠。上の写真群は土間にしつらえられたカマド、正面の「流し装置」、そして囲炉裏を囲んでの食堂空間。

無私の精神によって集ったひとびとをやさしく迎え入れる癒やしの装置群。たぶん集会者たちがさまざまな食材を持ち寄って、このカマドや流しを使って調理して、囲炉裏空間で食事したのだろう。やさしく加熱される食材から立ち上る煙、その食材独特の香りが、空間を支配してひとびとのこころを解き放っていったに違いない。この場はそういう共同体意識の結束装置の基盤であるのかも知れない。
「これ、けさ釣り上げた魚があるんだけど・・・」
「おお、それじゃぁ、朝取りの山菜と取り合わせで」
「じゃぁ〆は地鶏なべで（笑）」
食を介した共生感がその寄り合いの度に深まっていった。そういった社会意識が日本人には強く涵養され続けてきたのだと思われる。その機縁が多様な宗教的価値観・八百万の神への信仰であり、みほとけへの尊崇のこころだった。
そういった社会性の再確認の場として日本建築はあり続けたのだろうけれど、日本建築は木造軸組が基本であり、構造材がそのまま表れるのが一般的。正直な木組みが「筋を通して」こうした社会性を無意識下で日本人の精神性を支えていたのだと思う。建築構造もまた素朴な民族的倫理感を構成したに違いない。
ちなみに「筋を通す」という公正性の言語表現はどうも日本独特のようにも思われる。WEBで翻訳コンニャクしてみた。「筋を通す→proceed in a logical manner」語感では日本語と違い「合理的」「ロジカル」というニュアンスが強い。日本語の「誠実さ」といったニュアンスは感じられない。
日本人の精神性と建築の関係もまた、きわめて興味深い。

English version⬇

A space for food that gently welcomes people: The Anrakuji Temple Kori, a branch of the Hikawa Shrine – 3
The Japanese sense of ethics originates from the polytheistic fairness of Shintoism and Buddhist syncretism. We will look at the traces of this in the relationship between the individual and society. …

This is the third part of our visit to a temple kori residence in the Japanese tradition of Shinto/Buddhist syncretism.
These meeting spaces attached to temples are thought to have continued to play the role of “community centers and meeting places” in local communities in the Japanese spirituality. I believe that they were spaces for local “huddling” that had a strong public character. Yesterday I described it as a “cradle of people’s sense of ethics,” and for this area of Saitama City in Saitama Prefecture, this space with its Shinto/Buddhist syncretism had such a character.
In my own experience at the site, I felt as if I was seeing a typical architectural appearance. In European society, Christianity, a monotheistic spiritual code, is the norm, but in Japanese society, a completely different, yet unique, ethnocentric “sense of ethics” prevails. The substance of this spirituality lives simply in the exterior of the thatched roof and the segai-zukuri style. It is not a sense of devotion, but a sense of ethics that makes you tense up and your mind become selfless. The temple is not a place for devotion.
For such a gathering function, it is also essential to have a place where people can eat. The photos above show a kamado (a bamboo stove) on the earthen floor, a “sink” in front of the house, and a dining space with a sunken hearth around the fireplace.

A group of healing devices that gently welcome the gathered people with a spirit of selflessness. Perhaps the participants brought a variety of foodstuffs, cooked them in these kamado and sinks, and ate them in the sunken hearth space. The smoke rising from the gently heated food and the unique aroma of the food must have dominated the space and freed people’s minds. This place may be the foundation of a cohesive device for such a sense of community.
Here, I have some fish I caught this morning…”
“Oh, well, I’ll have some of the morning’s wild vegetables with it.
Then we’ll finish it off with a chicken stew.
The sense of symbiosis through food deepened with each gathering. It is believed that such a social consciousness has been strongly cultivated among Japanese people. The opportunity for this was the belief in a variety of religious values and the belief in the eight million gods, and the reverence for the mihotoke.
Japanese architecture may have continued to exist as a place to reaffirm such sociality, but Japanese architecture is based on wooden framing, and the structural materials are generally expressed as they are. I believe that honest wood framing “through the muscles” supported the Japanese mentality of such sociality in an unconscious way. The architectural structure must have also constituted a simple ethnic ethic.
I tried to translate the Japanese word “musu-suji” into Japanese on the web. The word “suji wo koru→proceed in a logical manner” has a strong nuance of “rational” and “logical,” unlike the Japanese word “sincerity. It does not have the nuance of “sincerity” in Japanese.
The relationship between Japanese spirituality and architecture is also extremely interesting.

Posted on 7月 29th, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 日本社会・文化研究 | No Comments »

【端正なフォルムと陰影感　氷川神社末社・安楽寺庫裡-2】




この家はさいたま市南区大谷口にあった安楽寺で庫裏として使用されていた住宅。建築年代としては1858年の墨書が確認されているので、165年前のもの。江戸時代の末期に建てられたけれど、その後の明治維新によって「王政復古」されたことで同時に「廃仏毀釈」の社会運動が激しく燃えさかった時代に遭遇してしまった。
一方で大谷口氷川神社の神主も兼ねていた神仏習合だったことで、非常に複雑な背景事情がこの家を襲ったことが想像される。結果として仏教寺院としての安楽寺は消滅し、この建物は庫裡である実質を失った。寺の住職としての立場は捨てたことで主人は「還俗」して野口氏に名前を変えたのだという。
わたしたち現代人にとっては第２次世界大戦での対米戦争の敗戦というのが巨大エポック民族体験だけれど、この明治の政変も社会に大きな変革をもたらしたと思う。とくにこの日本人にとってこの廃仏毀釈の宗教的大変動は大きなインパクトだった。
日本人の宗教観は歴史変動によって大きく変化してきた。縄文の世以来、自然崇拝的な信仰心は日本人の心的原風景として「八百万」の神々信仰があっただろう。そのベースに対して神武以来の王統が根付いてその正統性を証すような神社信仰が広がっていった。
そこに王統自身による仏教の導入政策があって、聖徳太子による基本的な国家体系整備が進められた。その仏教導入時にも「八百万」信仰が柔軟な社会的受容性を担保したのだろう。
戦国期には仏教勢力が石山本願寺など過激な行動主義と反権力という名の権力主義に取り憑かれていたと言えるけれど、それは政治体制としての幕府武力権力の確立とともに骨抜きされ収斂していった。江戸期の安定社会の実現までのプロセスではそうした民族体験の積層があった。
神と仏という多神教社会が実現して相互に尊重し合う社会が形成されていった。政治制度としての戦後民主主義というものもこういった日本民族の多神教受容性の一環だったとも思える。
こうした文化宗教体験の結果として日本人には同調性志向が深く根付いているのではないか。

建築としてのこの家の特徴としては大きな屋根と、正面部分に掛かっている瓦屋根、せがい造りのプロポーションの端正さが強く感じられる。江戸期の寺院の庫裡では多様な集会、寄り合いなどの機会の場としてこの建物は機能していただろう。高温多湿な気候風土の中で安定的な室内環境を生み出す大きな茅葺き屋根のボリューム感、安定感は民族的心性の揺りかごになったように思える。
こうした大きな茅葺き屋根の美感からは日本社会の安定、ひとびとの倫理感の揺りかごのような印象が強く感じられる。

English version⬇

Neat form and a sense of shading: Hikawa Shrine’s Yuhiken Shrine and Anraku-ji Temple’s Kori -2
The thatched roof and the aesthetic sense of the segai-zukuri style create a Japanese-style orientation toward a sympathetic society. It makes us feel the fundamental sense of ethics. ・・・・・・.

This house was used as a korori (storehouse) at Anrakuji Temple in Oyaguchi, Minami-ku, Saitama City. As for the building date, the ink signature of 1858 has been confirmed, so it is 165 years old. It was built at the end of the Edo period (1603-1868), but it was destroyed by the “restoration of the monarchy” during the Meiji Restoration (1868-1912), which was followed by the social movement to “abolish Buddhism” that flared up violently.
The family was also the head priest of the Oyaguchi Hikawa Shrine, which was a syncretism of Shinto and Buddhist teachings, and one can imagine that the background of the family was very complicated. As a result, Anrakuji Temple as a Buddhist temple ceased to exist, and this building lost the substance of being a koryu. The owner, having abandoned his position as the temple’s abbot, “returned to the priesthood” and changed his name to Mr. Noguchi.
For us modern people, the defeat in World War II against the U.S. is a huge epochal national experience, but I believe that the political upheaval of the Meiji period also brought about a great change in society. Especially for the Japanese, the religious upheaval caused by the abolition of Buddhism had a great impact.
The Japanese view of religion has changed greatly due to historical changes. Since the Jomon period, nature-worshipping belief in the “eight million” gods has been a part of the Japanese people’s spiritual landscape. The royal lineage since the Jinmu period took root against this base, and shrine worship spread as a testimony to its legitimacy.
The royal lineage itself introduced Buddhism, and Prince Shotoku promoted the development of a basic national system. The belief in “eight million” probably ensured flexible social acceptability at the time of the introduction of Buddhism.
During the Warring States period, Buddhist forces such as Ishiyama Honganji were obsessed with radical activism and anti-authoritarianism, but these were suppressed and converged with the establishment of the Shogunate’s military power as a political system. In the process of achieving a stable society during the Edo period, there was a layering of such ethnic experiences.
A polytheistic society of gods and Buddha was realized and a society of mutual respect was formed. Postwar democracy as a political system seems to have been a part of this acceptance of polytheism among the Japanese people.
As a result of these cultural and religious experiences, a syncretic orientation may be deeply rooted in the Japanese people.

The house is characterized by its large roof, the tiled roof over the front portion, and the neat proportions of the segai-zukuri style. This building would have functioned as a place for various meetings and gatherings in the koryu of temples during the Edo period. The volume and stability of the large thatched roof, which creates a stable indoor environment in the hot and humid climate, seems to have served as a cradle for the spirituality of the people.
The aesthetics of these large thatched roofs give a strong impression of the stability of Japanese society and the cradle of people’s sense of ethics.

Posted on 7月 28th, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 日本社会・文化研究 | No Comments »

【日本人の宗教実態とは？　氷川神社末社と安楽寺庫裡-1】




日本社会というのは本当に不思議な社会だと痛感する。先週末から一昨日まで東京・関東にいたのですが、実はSUICAカードを紛失してしまっていた（泣）。で、移動交通にさっそく支障が出るので善後処置としてすぐに紛失を届け出て、使えるSUICAを別途購入した。
けれどその紛失カードについて２日後さっそく顛末が解明された。わたしがある宗教施設参観時にポケットから小銭入れを出して賽銭として投入したときに、同じポケットに入れていたSUICAカードが落下して気付かなかったらしいのです。そのSUICAについて、わたしが札幌に帰還した翌日のきのう、最寄りの交番から電話連絡があって詳細をお知らせいただいた次第。＜届け出たことで電話番号が判明もしたのでしょう。＞
この面白い顛末についてはまだ進行中なので決着後、再度まとめてお知らせしたい。
なんですが、わたしの感動は「落とし物が発見されて届け出られる」日本社会の精神性・倫理性への驚きであります。よく言われているし、わたしも数回そういう経験をしているけれど、これは本当にすごい社会成熟度を表しているのか、それともまた別の国民性に由来するのか、不思議だと思う。
で、やはり日本に根付いた宗教性との関わりがやはり大きいと思えるのです。
神社信仰と仏教思想ということですが、島国という特殊環境の中でそういう精神性がほぼ純粋培養されて倫理感の均一性をもたらしてきているのではないか。そんな風に思われるのです。
八百万の神は日本の空気の中に普遍的に存在し、衆生救済のみほとけはあまねく人を救済する。神仏というように複数の宗教性を許容しながら、ひとびとの倫理感は極限まで高まっている。
今回取材対象にした住宅は浦和にある古民家園のなかの１軒ですが、この「旧野口家」は江戸期1649年に「社領10石」を拝領した記録が残っている大谷口氷川神社（武蔵一宮・氷川神社の同名末社）の「別当寺院」安楽寺住職の庫裡であった家なのだそうです。
神仏習合ということがごく自然にこの地域社会では継続されてきていた証のようです。
この家自体は寺の庫裏だけれど、同時に大谷口氷川神社の神職でもあった。野口家は1864年に安楽寺の住職になり、1871年に大谷口氷川神社の祀職となり当社は村社に列した。その後、明治初期の廃仏毀釈の流れの中で還俗して野口家になったと記録に残っている。
こういう神社であり仏教寺院でもあるという多神教世界として日本社会は熟成していた。一神教社会からは信じがたい「いい加減さ」と映るだろうけれど、しかし民のモラル意識は落とし物が多数届け出られるほどに非常に高い社会倫理を熟成させた。
日本人と宗教、そして倫理感をテーマにしながらこの野口家住宅をあす以降、見てみたい。

English version⬇

What is the Religious Reality of the Japanese People?　Hikawa Shrine and Anrakuji Temple
Although there is no international comparison in terms of the rate of reporting lost and found items, the high level of “ethics” among the Japanese is remarkable. Let’s look into it from the perspective of Shinto/Buddhist syncretized houses. …

I am keenly aware that Japanese society is truly a strange society. I was in Tokyo and Kanto from last weekend to the day before yesterday, and actually lost my SUICA card (tears). So, as a precautionary measure, I immediately reported the loss and purchased a usable SUICA card separately, since it immediately interfered with my mobile transportation.
Two days later, however, the details of the lost card were quickly revealed to me. It seems that when I was visiting a religious facility, I took the coin purse out of my pocket and threw in some money, and the SUICA card I had in the same pocket fell out and I didn’t notice it. Yesterday, the day after I returned to Sapporo, I received a phone call from the local police box informing me of the details of the SUICA card. ＜I guess they found out my phone number when I reported the incident. ＞I am still working on this interesting story.
I would like to report the details of this interesting incident again after it is settled, as it is still in progress.
I am still in the process of finalizing the details of this interesting incident, so I will report it to you again after the case is settled. This is often said, and I have had this experience several times, but I wonder if this is an indication of a truly great level of social maturity, or if it stems from a different national character.
I think it has a lot to do with the religiosity that has taken root in Japan.
In the special environment of an island nation, such spirituality is almost purely cultivated and has brought about a uniform sense of ethics. It seems to me that this is the case.
The eight million deities are universally present in the Japanese air, and the mihotoke, the savior of all sentient beings, provides salvation for all. While allowing for multiple religions, such as Shintoism and Buddhism, people’s sense of ethics has been raised to the utmost limit.
The house we interviewed for this report is one of the houses in an old private house garden in Urawa. The “old Noguchi family” used to house the abbot of Anrakuji Temple, a “separate temple” of the Oyaguchi Hikawa Shrine, which has a record of having received “10 koku of shrine territory” in 1649 (the last shrine of the same name at Hikawa Shrine in Musashi Ichinomiya Shrine).
It seems to be a proof that the Shinto/Buddhist syncretism had been continued in this local community quite naturally.
Although the house itself is a kori (storehouse) of the temple, it was also a Shinto priest of the Oyaguchi Hikawa Shrine. In 1864, the Noguchi family became the head priest of Anrakuji Temple, and in 1871, they became the head priest of Oyaguchi Hikawa Shrine, and the company was listed as a village shrine. Later, during the movement to abolish Buddhism in the early Meiji period (1868-1912), the Noguchi family was returned to the priesthood and became the Noguchi family, according to records.
Japanese society had matured into a polytheistic world that was both a shrine and a Buddhist temple. Although this may seem unbelievably “lax” to a monotheistic society, the moral consciousness of the people has matured to such an extent that many lost and found items are reported to the authorities.
I would like to visit the Noguchi family residence in the morning and later on, while discussing the theme of Japanese people, religion, and ethics.

Posted on 7月 27th, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 住宅取材＆ウラ話, 日本社会・文化研究 | No Comments »

【遮光器土偶の「遮光器」を人生はじめて確認（汗）】



人間の刷り込まれた「固定観念」というのは怖ろしいなぁと深く反省の一件。
写真の「遮光器土偶」は日本史のなかでもとりわけ有名な一品。たとえてみれば本能寺の変とも並び立つほどの、信長級の超ポピュラー大スターだと言えるでしょう。
わたしがこの土偶の画像とめぐり会ったのはたぶん小学校低学年の時期だろうと思います。「これはシャコウキドグウと言って、縄文時代の遺跡から発見されました」みたいに教科書で習ったのだろうと思います。
子どもこころに圧倒的なその視認印象が強烈で「これはどうみても地球に降り立った宇宙人に間違いない」と深くこころに沈殿した。
肝心の「遮光器」についての詳細な説明はその当時なかったのではないかと記憶している。いや、先生は補足説明したのかも知れないが、あまりに異星人的な印象が強烈で、そのまま刷り込まれてしまって、それは先史時代への強烈な探究動機ゾーンに仕舞い込まれてしまったのかも知れない。
恥ずかしながら、先日はじめて「遮光器」という実物と対面して説明を聞いてしまった。
現代でも北方民族のみなさんは冬の雪原からの反射光への基本対策として強烈なその乱反射から目を守るのに「遮光」する木製メガネを使っているという説明。
「おお」であります。
少年期に刷り込まれた「印象の固定化・誤謬」からついに解放されてしまった（笑）。
北海道の冬の雪原での視覚体験はたっぷりと積層しているし、その反射光から目を守るのにゴーグルをする人がいることも知っているのに、まったく不意を突かれてしまった。
下の写真は北海道立北方民族博物館資料目録3の木製雪眼鏡。使用民族はエスキモーで米国／アラスカ　1890-1930年　8.5㎝という説明文が付けられている。
「極北の長い冬がおわり、陽射しが高くなるにつれて、雪原の照り返しが強くなる。このような季節には、紫外線から目を保護する必要がある。狩猟や旅行では長い時間、雪原や氷上で行動するため、エスキモーは木や骨などを利用してこのようなスリット状の穴を開けた雪眼鏡を作り目を守ってきた。日本の遮光器土偶の名称に使われた遮光器がこの雪眼鏡のことである。」と明記されている。
幼少年期からの呪縛・凝り固まった「宇宙人」イメージがようやく破砕された。なんもさ、であります。そうならそうと早く言ってくれよ、というところですが、やはり初見の人間の印象というのは重いのだとも気付かされる。また、この宇宙人イメージがあったことで無上の吸引力で歴史への興味が喚起され続けたとも言える。
ただ、その後の日本人はこういう遮光器を民具としてもほぼ伝承していない。
縄文の時期はむしろ現代よりも温暖だった時期の方が長いともされている。
信長の本能寺は徐々に解明されつつあるけれど、遮光器土偶の解明はやはりなかなか進展しませんね。むしろ興味の吸引装置としてはこのような状態の方が望ましいとも思える。

English version⬇

[First time in my life I confirmed the “light shielding device” of the light shielding clay figurine (sweat).
First encounter with the wooden light-shielding glasses inherited by modern northern peoples. Is this the clarification of the truth similar to the true culprit of the Honnoji Incident? …

This is a case that makes me deeply reflect on the fearful nature of the “stereotypes” that are imprinted on human beings.
The “Shakogu Dogu” in the photo is one of the most famous items in Japanese history. It is a very popular star of Nobunaga’s level, comparable to the Honnoji Incident.
I think I first came across the image of this clay figurine when I was in the early grades of elementary school. I think I learned from my textbooks that “this is a Shakokidogu, which was found at a Jomon-era site.
The overwhelming visual impression of the object made a deep impression on me as a child, and I was deeply moved by the thought, “This is definitely an alien that has landed on the earth.
I remember that there was no detailed explanation of the “light shielding device,” which was the most important part of the telescope, at that time. Perhaps the professor may have given a supplementary explanation, but the impression was so strong and alien that it was imprinted on my mind, and it may have been stored in the zone of my strong motivation to explore prehistoric times.
I am ashamed to admit that the other day I came face to face with an actual “light-shielding device” for the first time and listened to its explanation.
He explained that even today, northern peoples use wooden glasses to protect their eyes from the intense diffuse reflections of reflected light from snow fields in winter as a basic measure.
Oh,” he said.
I was finally freed from the “fixed and erroneous impressions” imprinted on me as a boy (laugh).
Although I have plenty of laminated visual experiences in the winter snow fields of Hokkaido and know that some people wear goggles to protect their eyes from the reflected light, I was caught completely off guard.
The photo below shows wooden snow goggles from the Hokkaido Museum of Northern Peoples’ Materials Catalog 3. The description of the glasses reads, “The people who used them were Eskimos from the United States/Alaska, 1890-1930, 8.5 cm.
The long winter in the Arctic is over, and as the sun shines higher in the sky, the snowfield becomes more reflective. During these seasons, it is necessary to protect the eyes from ultraviolet rays. Because of the long hours they spend hunting and traveling on snowfields and ice, Eskimos made snow goggles with slit holes in them out of wood or bone to protect their eyes. The snow goggles are the light shields used to name the Japanese light shielding clay figurines. The article clearly states, “The snow goggles were used to protect the eyes.
The “alien” image that had been spellbound and hardened since my childhood was finally shattered. I am not an “alien” at all. If that’s the case, you should have said so earlier, but it also made me realize that the impression of a person who sees something for the first time is a heavy one. It can also be said that the presence of this alien image has continued to arouse interest in history with unparalleled power of attraction.
However, Japanese people did not inherit this kind of shading device as a folk tool until later.
It is also said that the Jomon period was rather longer than the present day, when the climate was warmer.
Although Nobunaga’s Honnoji is gradually being elucidated, the elucidation of the light-shielding clay figurines is still not progressing very well. In fact, it seems that this state of affairs is more desirable as a device for attracting interest.

Posted on 7月 26th, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 日本社会・文化研究 | No Comments »

【東京ビッグサイトと宗教建築デザイン】



最近の東京・関東出張では東京ビッグサイトを訪問することがメッチャ多い。わたしが関係する住宅などのイベントの常打ち会場であることが多いワケなのですが、それ以外の興味領域でも使用される割合が多く実感的にはほぼ毎回顔を出している状況です。正面外観は毎度、こんな顔で迎えてくれる。
なんとなく馴染みになってくる感覚があってキライではない。
東京湾の埋め立て地に立地していて、新橋からゆりかもめで大体30分程度。広大な敷地と室内空間面積の「展示場施設」としての利便性は高い。いま考えれば合理性もあるけれど、沿革を見ると以下。
「延床面積は約25ヘクタール総展示面積は約9.5ヘクタール。 建築総工費は1985億円。 東京都が1995年に世界都市博覧会（都市博）の会場として建設したが、青島幸男都知事の判断で都市博が中止になったため、中央区晴海（はるみ）にあった東京国際見本市会場を移転する形で開業した。」
で、見ているうちに、形態について深層心理みたいなことを想起するようになって、日本の宗教建築の屋根の張り出し、せり上がりがこの三角プロポーションとアナロジーさせられるようになって来た。４つ足の立柱と三角錐とのバランスが腑に落ちるようになってくる。下の写真は鹿島神宮桜門。
設計は（株）佐藤総合計画という現在所員数324名という組織設計事務所。

設計当初のプロポーザル案はこちらのような形態で、どうも「天空の城ラピュタ」がイメージとしてあったのだそうです。東京都のプロポーザル案件だったので、審査員には「多様な見方」を反映する意味で建築専門家以外のひとも多いことを見越して「わかりやすい」点を重視したモノでしょう。
ただその後、実施段階になってドンドン脚部が膨らみ、ズングリムックリ型になっていったとのこと。そして当初のイメージとは変容して日本的宗教建築のプロポーションに近づいていったのか。
埋め立て地域なのでとくに外観意匠にはチタン素材などの錆びない建材が多用されている。形態がどんどん宗教建築に近づいていったのに、そう感じさせずにモダンデザイン風に受け取ってきていたのには、そういった素材感からの「パッと」見の要素が大きいでしょうね。
ちょうどガウディの宗教建築・サグラダファミリアの設計趣旨展示会も東京近代美術館で開かれていて、建築デザインの趣旨説明をいろいろな側面からひもといていたので、それとの対比での「日本建築」としての見方をこのビッグサイト外観に当てはめてみた次第です。
まぁ、建築は出来上がってしまえばだれからも公平に端的に、見られる存在になるので、思った感じたことは、自由に論じあうべきものだと思います。わたしはこういう建物、悪くないと思う。

English version⬇

Tokyo Big Sight and Religious Architectural Design
Gaudi created the Sagrada Familia from the historical design of Christian and Islamic architecture in a unique way. What is the sense of form that is common to modern Japan? ……

On my recent business trips to Tokyo and the Kanto region, I have been visiting Tokyo Big Sight quite often. The site is often a regular venue for housing and other events that I am involved with, but it is also used for many other areas of interest as well, so I feel that I am visiting the site almost every time I am there. The front exterior greets us with a face like this every time.
It is not bad, as it has a sense of familiarity.
Located on a reclaimed land in Tokyo Bay, it takes about 30 minutes from Shimbashi by Yurikamome. It is highly convenient as an “exhibition facility” with its vast site and indoor space. The history of the building is as follows.
The total floor space is approximately 25 hectares, and the total exhibition area is approximately 9.5 hectares. The total construction cost was 198.5 billion yen. It was built by the Tokyo Metropolitan Government in 1995 as the venue for the World Urban Exposition (Urban Expo), but when Governor Yukio Aoshima decided to cancel the Expo, the Tokyo International Trade Fair Center was relocated to Harumi, Chuo-ku, and opened.
As I looked at the building, I began to think about the deep psychology of form, and began to make analogies between the triangular proportions of the overhanging and overhanging roofs of Japanese religious buildings and the balance between the four-legged standing columns and the triangular pyramid. The photo below shows the Kashima Jingu Shrine.
The design is by Sato Sogo Keikaku, an organizational design firm with 324 members.

The initial design proposal was based on the image of “Laputa: Castle in the Sky. Since this was a Tokyo Metropolitan Government proposal project, the jury members included many non-architectural specialists in order to reflect “diverse views,” and the emphasis was probably placed on “easy-to-understand” points.
However, the legs of the building swelled and became larger and larger as the project progressed to the implementation stage. The proportions of the building were transformed from the original image and became closer to the proportions of a temple building.
Because this is a reclaimed area, titanium and other rustproof construction materials were used extensively, especially for the exterior design. The fact that the form of the building was getting closer and closer to religious architecture, yet it was received in the style of modern design without giving that impression, must have been largely due to the “poof” factor from the texture of such materials.
The exhibition of the purpose of Gaudi’s religious building, Sagrada Familia, was also being held at the Museum of Modern Art, Tokyo, and I was looking into the design of the building from various aspects, so I tried to apply my view of “Japanese architecture” to the exterior of the Big Sight in comparison with the exhibition.
Well, once the architecture is completed, it will be seen fairly and straightforwardly by everyone, so I think we should freely discuss what we think and feel about it. I think this kind of building is not bad.

Posted on 7月 25th, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 「都市の快適」研究, 住宅マーケティング | No Comments »

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