さて東京上野の「下町風俗資料館」展示から、こども文化の推移について掘り起こしてきた。個人的に肉体体験のある「紙芝居」や「パッチ（メンコ）」のことを辿ってみると、子ども文化としての「いつの世も変わらない」部分が浮き彫りになってくる気がしてならない。
とくにメンコについてはその出自が江戸時代まで確実に遡れる証拠があると見せられると、人間本然の部分での「感受性」で江戸期のこどもたちとも深い共感を強く持つようになる。ただ、その本然が時代によってさまざまな表情を見せるだけなのだというように気付かされるのだ。
そうした幼少期体験の基底的「文化性」は、わたしたち戦後世代としては子ども向け雑誌＝マンガ雑誌へとメディア化していった。展示資料では写真のような少年・少女雑誌が提示されていた。これらの雑誌にはわたしは記憶がなく、わたし年代より以前の子どもたちに愛読されたものなのだろうと思う。
その選択が兄弟たちの共通的選択だったのかどうか不明だけれど、わたしは「少年画報」という雑誌にどっぷりとハマり込んでしまっていた（笑）。

基本的には紙芝居由来の「ストーリーマンガ」に圧倒的にのめり込んでいた。不思議なものでこういう特定メディアに惹き付けられると「その世界から世間を見る」みたいな感覚に襲われていたと思う。
この雑誌では他誌で華々しく一世を風靡していた手塚治虫作品がなかなか掲載されなかったのが、あるとき「マグマ大使」という作品が登場した。そのときすでに「眼光紙背に徹して」いた少年期のわたしは、出版社と大作家・手塚治虫さんとのビジネス的な交渉とか関係性までをおもんばかるようにまでなっていた。「あれ、どうも関係がうまくいってないんじゃないか・・・」みたいな（笑）。特定メディアから知らず知らずに影響される党派制・立場のようなものに縛られていたように思うのだ。
その後、自分自身が出版＝メディアというビジネスの周辺領域で生きるようになった内面的な動機を占めているのかもしれない。

English version⬇

Cultural Consolidation into “Magazine Media” for Children: Postwar Children’s Culture-5
Children’s culture became a medium of manga magazines in postwar society. The dramatization and supplement culture sublimated the picture-story show and menko culture. The…

Now, I have been digging into the transition of children’s culture from the “Shitamachi Fuzoku Shiryokan” exhibition in Ueno, Tokyo. When I trace back to my personal physical experience of “picture story shows” and “patches (menko),” I cannot help but feel that the “unchanging” aspects of children’s culture come to the fore.
In particular, when we are shown evidence that the origin of menko can be traced back to the Edo period (1603-1868), we can strongly sympathize with the children of the Edo period in terms of their “sensitivity” to human nature. However, they realize that this naturalness only shows different expressions depending on the time period.
The fundamental “cultural nature” of such childhood experiences became media for us, the postwar generation, in the form of children’s magazines (manga magazines). In the exhibition materials, magazines for boys and girls like the one shown in the photo were displayed. I have no memory of these magazines, and I think they must have been read by children before my generation.
I am not sure if this was a common choice among my brothers and sisters, but I was completely absorbed in a magazine called “Shonen Gaho” (laugh).

Basically, I was overwhelmingly absorbed in “story manga” derived from picture story shows. It is a strange thing, but when I was attracted to this particular media, I felt as if I was “looking at the world from that world.
One day, however, “Magma Ambassador” appeared in the magazine. At that time, I was already “devoted to the light of the eye,” and I had come to care about the business negotiations and relationship between the publisher and the great author, Tezuka Osamu. I was even concerned about the business negotiations and relationship between the publishing company and the great author Osamu Tezuka. (laugh). I think I was bound by a kind of partisan system or position that was unknowingly influenced by certain media.
Perhaps this accounts for the internal motivation that led me to live on the periphery of the business of publishing=media.

Posted on 2月 24th, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 日本社会・文化研究 | No Comments »

わたしが幼年期だったいまから60数年前当時、子どもたちは紙芝居に目が釘付けになる一方、冬場でも室内でカラダいっぱい使ったゲームとして「パッチ」に精を出していた。写真のような丸い厚紙に強そうなイラストが描かれたり、有名なプロスポーツ選手の写真などが印刷されたもの。北海道札幌では、このゲームのことをパッチと言っていたけれど、子ども同士のウワサで「メンコ」というのが東京ではあるらしい、という不思議な会話があった。
メディアが情報独占していた時代なのでWEBのように情報を自分で探索はできなかった。ジモティーたち同士ではそれ以上、詮索する方法も考えつかず、この不思議な「メンコ」という名前が頭の片隅でガン細胞化した。「東京に行ってみたい」という同年代少年少女たちの意識下の刷り込み起点に、このメンコへの疑問がとぐろを巻いていた。実際に東京に行ったらそういう意識下世界のことはまったく忘却されていたけれど（笑）。


＜写真と図は公益財団法人さっぽろ青少年女性活動協会PDF資料より＞

この解決不能のまま放置されてきた疑問がようやく解明された。結論はこのふたつの名称は同じゲームについての表現ということ。メンコという言葉はより始原的で漢字を当てるとすると「面子」だそうで、上の写真の2枚目のようなちょっと「馬面」を想像させるような縦長形状。遊び方としてはすぐ上の説明の遊び方になる。縦型のものはわたしは見たことがない。
遊び方が進化してくるとより「円形」の方が最適となるので徐々に主流になってくる。北海道のような鄙ではその遊び方がすぐに想起できる「パッチ」という呼称が一般化したものでしょう。わたしの8才上くらいの兄たちもメンコという名前は使っていなかったと聞いた。
しかしこの遊び、保育園で育った平成生まれの息子に聞いたら、平成の世でも生き長らえていたそうで保育園でやっていたようです。で、名前はメンコだったとのこと。
縦に長い日本列島、文化の中心地と鄙との間で、共通語と方言が生まれるけれど、そのつい最近の実例なのかと思い至った。

English version⬇

Menco and Patch: Questions from Dosan-ko about Postwar Children’s Culture – 3
Today’s topic is a time-limited Jimotei dialect story. Is this an actual example of the creation of a common language and dialect between the first source region of culture, the capital city and the remote and rural areas? …

When I was a child, more than 60 years ago, children were glued to picture-story shows and played “patch” indoors in the wintertime, using their whole bodies. The game was played on a round piece of cardboard, like the one in the photo, with strong-looking illustrations or pictures of famous professional athletes printed on it. In Sapporo, Hokkaido, this game was called “patch,” but there was a curious conversation among the children about a rumor that it was called “menko” in Tokyo.
In those days when the media had a monopoly on information, it was not possible to search for information by oneself, as was the case with the Web. The boys could not think of any way to inquire further, and the mysterious name “Menko” became a cancerous cell in a corner of their minds. The question of this menko was curling around the imprint of the boys and girls of the same age who wanted to go to Tokyo. When I actually went to Tokyo, I was completely oblivious to this subconscious world (laughs).

This question that has been left unanswered has finally been clarified. The conclusion is that the two names refer to the same game. The word “menko” is more primitive and is said to be “menko” in Chinese characters, and its vertical shape reminds one of a “horse’s face,” as shown in the second photo above. The way to play with it is as explained above. I have never seen a vertical one.
As the playing style evolves, the “circular” shape becomes more optimal and gradually becomes the mainstream. In remote areas such as Hokkaido, the name “patch” is probably more commonly used, as it immediately reminds people of this way of playing. I was told that my older brothers, who were about eight years older than me, did not use the name “menko” either.
However, when I asked my Heisei-born son who grew up in a nursery school about this play, he told me that it had survived even in the Heisei era and was played at the nursery school. He told me that the name of the game was Menko.
I wondered if this was a recent example of the common language and dialects that emerge between the cultural centers and the outlying areas of Japan’s long, vertical archipelago.

Posted on 2月 22nd, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 日本社会・文化研究 | No Comments »

紙芝居というものは一種のメディアであり、都市環境を必須とする。田舎でも祭りなどのときには出張して上演する紙芝居師もいただろうけれど、ほんの数日間の興業ではその旅費はペイしなかっただろう。紙芝居の「まとめ記事」などを参照すると関東大震災や第２次世界大戦後など、経済社会が崩壊した時期に大量にあふれた失業者たちが、糊口をしのぐ生業として取り組んでいた様子がわかる。
上の写真類は「台東区立下町風俗資料館」展示での紙芝居のテーマ内容のごく一部。こうした形式でのいわば在野の文化活動に対して、行政の側からのさまざまな利用があったとされている。２枚目の写真などは「教育紙芝居」として文科省が関与した題材まであったのだという。また、戦前期にはこどもたちへの軍国教育の一環として政治利用もされていた。日本文化のひとつの波及形式として、このような絵と語りによるストーリー展開形式があって、それが大衆の娯楽文化を形成していた状況が見えてくる。
わたしの接触した時期には、いちばん上のようなSFチックなものや、その後マンガのヒーローの冒険活劇的なテーマが多かったと記憶している。やはり手に汗を握る活劇が、こどもたちの感受性には敏感に「刺さった」のだろう。いかにも教育的なものは自然に敬遠していたと思う（笑）。
こういう形式の初源的なものとしてわたしには「琵琶法師」による平家物語が一番近似的だと思える。琵琶法師という社会的存在は、宗教勢力寺社がその布教と経済活動の一体化された一種のビジネス活動として展開したものとされる。琵琶というめずらしき楽器を演奏しながら、当時の社会の動乱をニュース的に、あるいは演劇的にひとびとに伝承することで日本社会のメディアの嚆矢だったと思える。日々の暮らしに追われる都市居住庶民には政治の極限形態である内戦、源平合戦には大きな影響を受けていただろうけれど、その変動状況についての客観的情報はなかなか伝わらなかっただろう。そういう知識需要をとらえて、京の街の先端的な芸能文化が、メディアの役割を果たし始めたのだと思える。日本の有名寺院には創建説話・縁起などの「絵詞」が多く残っているけれど、それらも法話の伝達手法として機能していた。
もっと遡れば、鎌倉末期に戦災で失われた奈良の東大寺の復元再興にあたって総合プロデューサーだった重源が組織した「勧進」集団による活動が素地であったとも思える。
情報の拡散方法が確立されていない時代、こういった語り部が社会的な需要に対応する存在だったのだろう。そういう社会的需要がわたしの幼少年期にはこの「紙芝居」形式だった。

記憶がだんだんと薄れていくのだけれど、幼少年期にこういう人間くさい紙芝居に接したことで、メディアというものの具体的なイメージを体験したことは間違いがないと思っている。

English version⬇

Japanese Storytelling Culture: Biwa-houshi and Picture Storytelling Postwar Children’s Culture-2
The Heike Monogatari (The Tale of the Heike) and other forms of cultural transmission for the masses were established in Japanese society. It became a means of livelihood for the unemployed during the turmoil. The atmosphere of the postwar black market. ・・・・.

Paper theater is a kind of media that requires an urban environment. Even in the countryside, there were probably some kamishibai performers who traveled to perform at festivals and other events, but their travel expenses would not have paid for themselves if they performed for only a few days. The “summary articles” on kamishibai show business show how the unemployed, who were in great numbers after the Great Kanto Earthquake and the collapse of the economy and society after World War II, were engaged in this business as a means of making a living to survive.
The photos above are just a few of the themes of the picture-story shows on display at the Taito City Shitamachi Museum of Folklore. The second photo even shows an educational picture-story show that the Ministry of Education and Science was involved in. In the prewar period, they were also used for political purposes as part of military education for children. This type of storytelling with pictures and narration was one of the spillover forms of Japanese culture, and it was used to form a popular entertainment culture.
I remember that during the period I was in contact with these stories, many of them were science fiction stories, such as the one at the top of this page, and later on, adventure stories with heroes from manga. I think that the children’s sensitivities were more sensitive to “action” stories that made them sweat and sweat. I think they naturally shunned anything that was too educational (laughs).
The Heike Monogatari in “Biwa-houshi” is the closest I can think of to the origin of this form of drama. The social existence of the biwa priest is said to have developed as a kind of business activity in which the religious power of temples and shrines combined their proselytizing with economic activities. The biwa, a rare instrument, was a pioneer of the media in Japanese society, playing it and passing on the social upheavals of the time to the people in a news or theatrical manner. The common people living in the city, who were busy with their daily lives, would have been greatly affected by the civil wars and Genpei wars, which were the most extreme form of politics, but objective information on the state of change would not have been easily conveyed to them. It seems to me that the cutting-edge performing arts culture of the city of Kyoto began to play the role of media to capture this demand for knowledge. Many famous temples in Japan still have “pictorial scriptures” that contain stories about the founding of the temple and its history, and these also functioned as a method of conveying Buddhist stories.
Going back even further, it seems that the “Kanjin” group organized by Shigen, the general producer of the reconstruction of Todaiji Temple in Nara, which was lost in the war at the end of the Kamakura period, was the foundation of the temple’s activities.
In an age when information diffusion methods had not yet been established, these storytellers must have existed to meet social demand. In my childhood, this social demand was in the form of “picture-story shows.

Although my memory is gradually fading, I am certain that I experienced a concrete image of the media through my childhood contact with these humanistic picture-story shows.

Posted on 2月 20th, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: こちら発行人です, 日本社会・文化研究 | No Comments »

やや高台にある片岡家からは周囲の起伏に富んだ地形が見晴らせる。「家から見える範囲全部が領地だった」という言葉がそのままの実感でわかる。下の写真は明治維新時の「太政官」による土地支配のお墨付き。
日本人はとりわけ「土地」所有についての価値感が強いと言われる。縄文の世が終わって、国土利用がコメ生産を基本とする農業によって開発が進められたことがその大きな要因なのだろうか。いやそれとも、縄文の感受性においても狩猟採集の場として強い「土地信仰」が根強かったのだろうか。少なくとも「八百万」という土着の神々への信仰からこのことには淵源があるのだと強く思えてならない。
逆に言うとこの土地への執念が、明治以降の急速に受容された資本主義の概念としても同質だったのかも知れない。土地という資産がすべてを生み出していく、という価値認識は資本主義的な「投資」概念に近似して、多くの民にとっても非常にわかりやすかったのだろう。アジア世界の中でもっとも早く資本主義世界観を受け入れたのには、そういった基本構図があったのだと思える。そういえば明治で急速に増えていった資本家の成功者たちはこぞって「大土地所有」に邁進していった。明治政府は江戸期までの大名権力による土地所有独占を撤廃して、自由に土地所有を可能に「解禁」したことが大きな要因になっている。明治以降勃興した資本家たちの建築として太宰治の津軽の生家「斜陽館」を参観した経験があるけれど、明治の金融資本はひたすら「土地」を担保にして資本主義市場の成長を図っていったとされる。

写真はなんとも古格な計量器だけれど、大土地所有者として、地域でのさまざまな「交易活動」についても支配権を持っていた証のように感じられた。
江戸期に至るまで連綿と継続した大土地支配者による支配管理の具体的な社会の価値感が、建築の証言者として現代にも存続してきている。この片岡家にはそういう印象を強く持った。
大和国、奈良県のこの旧家では津軽の太宰家のような明治以降の様子に留まらず、さらに以前の武家支配社会の日本人の精神性痕跡を垣間見ることができる。

この写真は片岡家で大切にされていた「仏像画」。土地信仰と並行して、聖徳太子以来の日本社会では仏教信仰が永く存続してきた。とくに大和国は仏教勢力が根強い権力を持っていた。南となりの紀州では根来寺勢力などが強勢で武家支配も難しい地域とされてきている。豊臣政権期にはNO.2の秀長が「抑え」として支配し、徳川政権でも最武闘派の本多家が支配し、なお、紀州には御三家が権力安定の役割を担った。
まさに歴史の積層が重厚な奈良の風土性をつよく認識させられた。歴史に興味を持つ人間として、奥深い世界がたくさん眠っているのだと実感。

English version⬇

A house that conveys the Japanese spirit up to the Edo period, the Kataoka Family, the village headman.
Everything within sight is my domain. The easily understood belief in the land has continued to be at the core of Japanese society. The substance of the Japanese spirit is made visible. …

The Kataoka House, located on a slightly elevated hill, commands a view of the surrounding rugged terrain. The phrase, “The entire area visible from the house was the domain,” is a true statement of the reality of the situation. The photo below is an endorsement of land control by the “Dajokan” (Grand Council of State) at the time of the Meiji Restoration.
It is said that Japanese people have a particularly strong sense of value regarding “land” ownership. Is this largely due to the fact that after the Jomon period ended, land use was developed through agriculture based on rice production? Or was there a strong belief in the land as a place for hunting and gathering even in the Jomon period? At the very least, I strongly suspect that this has its origins in the belief in the indigenous gods of “eight million.
Conversely, this obsession with the land may have been homogeneous to the concept of capitalism that was rapidly embraced after the Meiji period. Was the recognition of the value of land as an asset that generates all things, similar to the capitalist concept of “investment,” very easy for many people to understand? It seems to me that such a basic structure was responsible for the earliest acceptance of the capitalist worldview in the Asian world. Speaking of which, successful capitalists who rapidly increased in number during the Meiji era (1868-1912) all pursued “large land ownership”. A major factor in this was that the Meiji government abolished the monopoly of land ownership by the feudal lords that had existed until the Edo period, and “lifted the ban” on land ownership to enable free ownership. I have visited Dazai Osamu’s birthplace “Shayokan” in Tsugaru as an example of the architecture of the capitalists who emerged after the Meiji period, and it is said that the financial capital of the Meiji period used “land” as collateral in order to grow the capitalist market.

The photo is a very old-fashioned measuring instrument, but it seems to prove that as a large landowner, he also had control over various “trading activities” in the region.
The concrete sense of social values of control and management by large landowners, which had continued uninterruptedly until the Edo period, has survived to the present day as a witness to the architecture of the house. I had a strong impression of this Kataoka House.
In this old house in Nara Prefecture, Yamato Province, one can glimpse not only the post-Meiji state of the Dazai family in Tsugaru, but also traces of the Japanese spirituality of an earlier samurai-ruled society.

This photograph shows a “Buddhist image painting” cherished by the Kataoka family. Along with the belief in the land, Buddhist beliefs have persisted in Japanese society since the reign of Prince Shotoku. Especially in Yamato Province, Buddhist power had deep-rooted authority. In Kishu, to the south, the Negoro-ji Temple and other Buddhist monasteries were powerful, making it difficult for the samurai to rule the region. During the Toyotomi administration, the No. 2 Hidenaga ruled as a “suppressor,” and even during the Tokugawa administration, the Honda family, the most militant of the three families, ruled Kishu, and the Gosanke played the role of stabilizing power.
The three families of the Gosanke clan in Kishu played a role in stabilizing power. As a person who is interested in history, I realized that a lot of deep worlds lie in Nara.

Posted on 2月 18th, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 古民家シリーズ, 歴史探訪 | No Comments »

江戸幕府の時代、支配階級・武家大名という存在が社会の基本秩序を構成していた。この奈良県宇陀市近郊に残る片岡家住宅は大名支配の経済の中核的存在。庄屋としてコメ生産の全過程を管理して収穫物を大名家に納税する責任者。そのなかでも片岡家は枢要な存在だったようで本宅に連結して大名自身が逗留するために座敷空間が建てられている。上の写真は、本宅との境界を土壁で仕切っている様子。手前側のニワ空間は農作業のために使われていたようだけれど、この壁から先は大名・本多家のための空間。
住宅建築のデザインというものにはその施主の社会的目的性が顕著に表れる。ここでは武家としての社会存在性を強調する装置化が目指されている。庄屋宅の側に開けられた円窓は、来訪者の素性をいち早く確認するための「偵察」目的だと思える。一種の様式的美化はあるにせよ、用途としては間違いなくそういうもの。基本は軍事に直結する用が形象化されたものだろう。重厚に土塗りされているのは、攻めてくる外敵からの防御性を考えたものか。玄関では当然のように「敷居が高い」。

こちらが主室で、殿様が端座する居室。正面床の間の横の壁は万が一の時の武者の出入り口機能も持っていた。主室で休んでいる大名を奥の「武者だまり」で守護し、万が一の場合には主室に飛び出して大名を守る目的。常在戦場の考え方で、常に外敵襲撃に備える工夫を欠かしていない。
装飾的インテリアとして床の間や掲額、また隣室との境の欄間の木工デザインなどがある。床の間が代表的な装置ということになるけれど、これを背景にして端座することで主人の権威性を装飾することがデザイン上の目的だった。よく殿様の褒め言葉で「床の間での座りがいい」みたいな表現を使う。武家の倫理習慣で家臣たちはこのような座りの良い殿様を中心にして「御恩と奉公」と関係が神聖様式化されていた。
床の間はいごこちがいい、という価値感ではなくいわば「見え」に特化した住宅デザインなのだろう。インテリア全体が「かしこまって敬うべきである」という武家秩序価値感の強制のために奉仕している。

こちらは「次の間」に置かれていた片岡家の庄屋としてのシルシ類。江戸の同心たちが武力的公務を果たすときに「御用」の提灯を見せるのは時代劇のお決まりだけれど、この片岡家のような鄙では公務としての徴米などのシルシとして機能したのだろう。
わたしの家系伝承ではこうした庄屋の立場で過ごしていた時期がある。こういう存在は農民と支配者の武家との中間的存在であり、その領主の支配方針、過酷な徴税・増税によって襲撃対象とされることが多かった。領主の非道な政策への怨嗟の標的にされることがしばしば。わが家系ではそうした理不尽の結果、打ち毀しの憂き目にあって、結果として商家へと転身していった経緯がわかっている。この片岡さんの家は比較的に平和だった「譜代」大名家に付属していたので運良く家系が永らえ、このように住宅も残ったのだろうか。

English version⬇

Architectural design for the purpose of showing off power: The Kataoka Family, the feudal lord’s house – 3
Spatial design for the purpose of “visualizing” military rule. The samurai family lived very hard to be seen. …

During the Edo shogunate, the ruling class, the samurai feudal lords, constituted the basic order of society. The Kataoka family residence, which remains here in the suburbs of Uda City, Nara Prefecture, is at the core of the economy of the daimyo ruling class. As headman, he was responsible for managing the entire rice production process and paying taxes on the harvest to the feudal lords. The Kataoka family seems to have been a key player in this process, and a room was built in connection with the main house for the Daimyo himself to stay in. The photo above shows the boundary between the house and the main residence separated by a mud wall. The space in the foreground was used for farming, while the space from this wall onward is reserved for the Daimyo Honda family.
The social purpose of the owner is clearly expressed in the design of a residential building. Here, the house was designed as a device to emphasize the social presence of the samurai family. The round window on the side of the headman’s house seems to be for the purpose of “reconnaissance” to quickly identify the identity of visitors. Although there is a kind of stylistic beautification, this is definitely the purpose of use. Basically, it is a figurative representation of a use directly related to military affairs. The heavily coated earthen walls may have been designed to provide protection against invading foreign enemies. At the entrance, the “threshold is high” as a matter of course.

This is the main room, the living room where the lord would sit on the edge of the room. The wall next to the front alcove also served as an entrance for the warriors in case of emergency. The purpose was to protect the lords resting in the main room by guarding them in the “warrior’s lair” in the back, and to protect them by jumping out into the main room in case of an emergency. With the concept of “Always on the battlefield,” the house was always prepared for attacks by foreign enemies.
Decorative interiors include tokonoma (alcove) and hotofuchi (plaque), as well as the woodwork design of the ranma that borders the adjacent room. The tokonoma is a typical example of such a device, and its purpose in design was to decorate the authority of the master by having him sit on the edge of the room with it as a backdrop. The expression “good sitting in the alcove” is often used as a compliment to the lord. In the samurai family’s ethical custom, the relationship of “gratitude and devotion” was sacredly stylized around such a lord with a good seat.
The tokonoma is not a value of comfort, but rather a house design that specializes in “visibility. The entire interior serves to enforce the samurai order’s sense of value that one should be polite and respectful.

This is the shirushi of the Kataoka family as village headman placed in the “next room. It is a common practice in period dramas to show “Goyo” lanterns when the Edo government officials were performing their official military duties, but in a remote area such as the Kataoka family’s, these lanterns probably functioned as official documents for official duties such as collecting rice.
In my family tradition, there was a time when I spent time in the position of village headman. They were often the target of raids due to the ruling policies of their lords, harsh tax collection, and higher taxes. They were often the target of vindictive attacks against the lord’s outrageous policies. In our family history, we know how the family was struck down as a result of such irrationality, and how the family turned into a merchant family as a result. I wonder if Kataoka-san’s family was lucky to have been attached to a relatively peaceful “Fudai” feudal lord’s family, and thus the family line was able to endure and the house remained as it was.

Posted on 2月 16th, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 住宅マーケティング, 古民家シリーズ | No Comments »