昨日、日本の囲炉裏と西洋の暖炉について書いていて、家族からの率直な感想チェックで気付かされたこと。「坐る」文化と椅子の文化による違いという視点。言われてみて、あまりにも腑に落ちた次第。
しかし日本文化の特徴である囲炉裏は「食遊」の空間でもあったことが、西洋社会の暖炉文化とは大きく相違していったということか。暖炉では、たとえば肉を串刺しして輻射熱調理して食べるという文化は優勢ではない。一方、日本の囲炉裏では灰ガラをほどよく積層させそこに串を立てて調理する文化が根付いた。日本料理では肉類はあくまでも「鍋」のうまみとして食することが主流で、魚こそがこうした串刺し料理にふさわしく、海に囲まれ多様の河川に恵まれた風土によって支配的食文化になっていった。
暖炉には食文化涵養の痕跡は乏しいのではないか。さらに中国文化圏では囲炉裏はどうも多数派の生活文化にはなっていないように思う。むしろ暖炉の方に寄っていると思える。また朝鮮半島や北東アジアで一般的な床暖房のオンドルでの調理文化もあまり聞かない。このあたりはもうちょっと探索してみたい。
ちなみに暖炉のWikiページには以下のような記述。「暖炉は特に西洋では部屋の格式や、席次を決める上での重要な調度品であり、暖炉周りのマントルピースなどの装飾には力が注がれる 」とある。このあたりは、日本文化でも同様で，きのう書いたように席次による格式が顕著に存在した。
で、この「席次序列」の考え方・思考法は日本家屋全体にわたって展開していくことになる。いちばん上の写真はこの神仏習合庫裡のいちばんの格式空間、床の間付き座敷。
今日でもこうした空間に出会うと日本人は、席を譲り合うという独特の社会儀礼がある。
「○○さんは、ぜひこちらに」
「いえいえ、わたしなぞ末席を汚させていただきます、あなたこそこちらへ」
みたいな予定調和的言葉掛け、やり取りが日本人DNAには仕込まれている。「床柱が似合う」というような人物評価の言語表現も存在している。こういう「空気感」感受性こそが日本人「らしさ」の究極かも。
この席次序列の考え方が日本建築には色濃く伝承されていった。


わたしは北海道生まれであり、こういう席次序列文化による間取り構成住宅からは最初期に離脱した住文化社会に属している。しかし、日本人としてのDNAはまだこういう空間に反応したくなる部分がある。畳がお尻に微妙な繊維質感を伝えて、その快感にウットリするような（笑）。
椅子やソファでの暮らしで寒さ暑さから解放された高断熱高気密ライフスタイルに圧倒的に満たされながら、たまに外食するなら、炭火の囲炉裏端みたいな店内インテリアの空間で、できれば魚の串焼きに癒されたいという内奥からの欲求もあるのだ。ニッポン的ごちゃ混ぜ生活文化か（笑）。

English version⬇

Japanese “sitting” cultural prestigious expression: Hikawa Shrine and Anraku-ji Temple Kori-5
The family’s straightforward impression became clear to me. The Japanese architectural culture of sitting, a lifestyle culture derived from Irori (hearth), deeply engraved in our DNA. The Irori-derived lifestyle culture deeply imprinted in our DNA.

Yesterday, when I wrote about Japanese hearths and Western fireplaces, I was reminded by an honest feedback check from a family member. The difference between the culture of sitting and the culture of chairs. When I was told this, it became all too clear to me.
The hearth, a characteristic of Japanese culture, was also a space for “eating and playing,” which was very different from the fireplace culture of Western society. In the fireplace, for example, the culture of skewering meat and eating it cooked by radiant heat is not predominant. On the other hand, in Japan, the culture of cooking meat on skewers in a hearth with a good layer of ash and ash residue has taken root. In Japanese cuisine, meat is usually consumed as a “nabe” (pot), and fish is the most suitable for this kind of skewered food.
The fireplace may be a poor evidence of the cultivation of food culture. Furthermore, in the Chinese cultural sphere, the hearth does not seem to have become a dominant part of the lifestyle culture. Rather, it seems to be more in the direction of fireplaces. Also, I have not heard much about the cooking culture using ondol, a floor heating system commonly used in the Korean Peninsula and Northeast Asia. I would like to explore this area a little more.
Incidentally, the Wiki page on fireplaces has the following description. The fireplace is an important furnishing in determining the prestige of a room, especially in the West, and a lot of effort is put into decorating the mantelpiece and other parts around the fireplace. As I wrote yesterday, there was a pronounced hierarchy of seating in the Japanese culture as well.
This “seating order” concept and way of thinking developed throughout the Japanese house. The photo above is the most prestigious space in the kori, which is a combination of the Shinto and Buddhist temples, with a tokonoma (alcove).
Even today, when encountering such a space, Japanese people have a unique social ritual of giving up their seats to each other.
“Please come this way, Mr. XX.
No, no, no, I’m sorry to make a mess of your seat, you go this way.
Such scheduled exchanges of words and phrases are ingrained in the DNA of the Japanese people. There is also a verbal expression of character evaluation, such as, “You look good in the tokonobashira. This kind of “airiness” and sensitivity may be the ultimate in Japanese “character.
This concept of the pecking order has been passed down strongly in Japanese architecture.

I was born in Hokkaido, and belong to a housing culture society that has moved away from this type of floor plan structure in the early stages of its history. However, as a Japanese, there is still a part of my DNA that wants to respond to this kind of space. The tatami conveys a subtle fiber texture to the buttocks, and the pleasant sensation makes me swoon (laughs).
While overwhelmingly satisfied with the highly insulated and airtight lifestyle of living on chairs and sofas, free from cold and heat, there is also a desire from deep within to eat out occasionally, preferably in a space with a restaurant interior like a charcoal sunken hearth edge, and to be soothed by grilled fish skewers. It is the Nippon way of life and culture, a mixture of the two.

Posted on 7月 31st, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 未分類 | No Comments »

日本的伝統である神仏習合の寺院の庫裡住宅訪問その３であります。
こうした寺院併設の集会機能空間は、日本人の精神性に於いては地域社会の「公民館・会所」的な役割を果たし続けてきたと思われる。公的な性格を濃厚に持った地域の「寄り合い」の空間だったのだと思う。きのう「ひとびとの倫理感の揺りかご」と表現したけれど、この埼玉県さいたま市の一地域にとってみると、神仏習合のこの空間はそのような性格を持っていた。
わたし自身の現場体感では建築外観としてのひとつの典型をみるような思いだった。ヨーロッパ社会ではキリスト教という一神教の精神規範が常識だけれど、日本社会はまったく別の、しかし民族独特の無上な「倫理感」が支配していた。その精神性の実質が、茅葺きの大屋根、せがい造りの外観にシンプルに生きている。帰依するという感覚ではなく、身が引き締まる、こころが無私になる、というような感覚の倫理感。・・・
そういう集会機能のためにはひとびとの食を満たす装置も不可欠。上の写真群は土間にしつらえられたカマド、正面の「流し装置」、そして囲炉裏を囲んでの食堂空間。

無私の精神によって集ったひとびとをやさしく迎え入れる癒やしの装置群。たぶん集会者たちがさまざまな食材を持ち寄って、このカマドや流しを使って調理して、囲炉裏空間で食事したのだろう。やさしく加熱される食材から立ち上る煙、その食材独特の香りが、空間を支配してひとびとのこころを解き放っていったに違いない。この場はそういう共同体意識の結束装置の基盤であるのかも知れない。
「これ、けさ釣り上げた魚があるんだけど・・・」
「おお、それじゃぁ、朝取りの山菜と取り合わせで」
「じゃぁ〆は地鶏なべで（笑）」
食を介した共生感がその寄り合いの度に深まっていった。そういった社会意識が日本人には強く涵養され続けてきたのだと思われる。その機縁が多様な宗教的価値観・八百万の神への信仰であり、みほとけへの尊崇のこころだった。
そういった社会性の再確認の場として日本建築はあり続けたのだろうけれど、日本建築は木造軸組が基本であり、構造材がそのまま表れるのが一般的。正直な木組みが「筋を通して」こうした社会性を無意識下で日本人の精神性を支えていたのだと思う。建築構造もまた素朴な民族的倫理感を構成したに違いない。
ちなみに「筋を通す」という公正性の言語表現はどうも日本独特のようにも思われる。WEBで翻訳コンニャクしてみた。「筋を通す→proceed in a logical manner」語感では日本語と違い「合理的」「ロジカル」というニュアンスが強い。日本語の「誠実さ」といったニュアンスは感じられない。
日本人の精神性と建築の関係もまた、きわめて興味深い。

English version⬇

A space for food that gently welcomes people: The Anrakuji Temple Kori, a branch of the Hikawa Shrine – 3
The Japanese sense of ethics originates from the polytheistic fairness of Shintoism and Buddhist syncretism. We will look at the traces of this in the relationship between the individual and society. …

This is the third part of our visit to a temple kori residence in the Japanese tradition of Shinto/Buddhist syncretism.
These meeting spaces attached to temples are thought to have continued to play the role of “community centers and meeting places” in local communities in the Japanese spirituality. I believe that they were spaces for local “huddling” that had a strong public character. Yesterday I described it as a “cradle of people’s sense of ethics,” and for this area of Saitama City in Saitama Prefecture, this space with its Shinto/Buddhist syncretism had such a character.
In my own experience at the site, I felt as if I was seeing a typical architectural appearance. In European society, Christianity, a monotheistic spiritual code, is the norm, but in Japanese society, a completely different, yet unique, ethnocentric “sense of ethics” prevails. The substance of this spirituality lives simply in the exterior of the thatched roof and the segai-zukuri style. It is not a sense of devotion, but a sense of ethics that makes you tense up and your mind become selfless. The temple is not a place for devotion.
For such a gathering function, it is also essential to have a place where people can eat. The photos above show a kamado (a bamboo stove) on the earthen floor, a “sink” in front of the house, and a dining space with a sunken hearth around the fireplace.

A group of healing devices that gently welcome the gathered people with a spirit of selflessness. Perhaps the participants brought a variety of foodstuffs, cooked them in these kamado and sinks, and ate them in the sunken hearth space. The smoke rising from the gently heated food and the unique aroma of the food must have dominated the space and freed people’s minds. This place may be the foundation of a cohesive device for such a sense of community.
Here, I have some fish I caught this morning…”
“Oh, well, I’ll have some of the morning’s wild vegetables with it.
Then we’ll finish it off with a chicken stew.
The sense of symbiosis through food deepened with each gathering. It is believed that such a social consciousness has been strongly cultivated among Japanese people. The opportunity for this was the belief in a variety of religious values and the belief in the eight million gods, and the reverence for the mihotoke.
Japanese architecture may have continued to exist as a place to reaffirm such sociality, but Japanese architecture is based on wooden framing, and the structural materials are generally expressed as they are. I believe that honest wood framing “through the muscles” supported the Japanese mentality of such sociality in an unconscious way. The architectural structure must have also constituted a simple ethnic ethic.
I tried to translate the Japanese word “musu-suji” into Japanese on the web. The word “suji wo koru→proceed in a logical manner” has a strong nuance of “rational” and “logical,” unlike the Japanese word “sincerity. It does not have the nuance of “sincerity” in Japanese.
The relationship between Japanese spirituality and architecture is also extremely interesting.

Posted on 7月 29th, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 日本社会・文化研究 | No Comments »

日本社会というのは本当に不思議な社会だと痛感する。先週末から一昨日まで東京・関東にいたのですが、実はSUICAカードを紛失してしまっていた（泣）。で、移動交通にさっそく支障が出るので善後処置としてすぐに紛失を届け出て、使えるSUICAを別途購入した。
けれどその紛失カードについて２日後さっそく顛末が解明された。わたしがある宗教施設参観時にポケットから小銭入れを出して賽銭として投入したときに、同じポケットに入れていたSUICAカードが落下して気付かなかったらしいのです。そのSUICAについて、わたしが札幌に帰還した翌日のきのう、最寄りの交番から電話連絡があって詳細をお知らせいただいた次第。＜届け出たことで電話番号が判明もしたのでしょう。＞
この面白い顛末についてはまだ進行中なので決着後、再度まとめてお知らせしたい。
なんですが、わたしの感動は「落とし物が発見されて届け出られる」日本社会の精神性・倫理性への驚きであります。よく言われているし、わたしも数回そういう経験をしているけれど、これは本当にすごい社会成熟度を表しているのか、それともまた別の国民性に由来するのか、不思議だと思う。
で、やはり日本に根付いた宗教性との関わりがやはり大きいと思えるのです。
神社信仰と仏教思想ということですが、島国という特殊環境の中でそういう精神性がほぼ純粋培養されて倫理感の均一性をもたらしてきているのではないか。そんな風に思われるのです。
八百万の神は日本の空気の中に普遍的に存在し、衆生救済のみほとけはあまねく人を救済する。神仏というように複数の宗教性を許容しながら、ひとびとの倫理感は極限まで高まっている。
今回取材対象にした住宅は浦和にある古民家園のなかの１軒ですが、この「旧野口家」は江戸期1649年に「社領10石」を拝領した記録が残っている大谷口氷川神社（武蔵一宮・氷川神社の同名末社）の「別当寺院」安楽寺住職の庫裡であった家なのだそうです。
神仏習合ということがごく自然にこの地域社会では継続されてきていた証のようです。
この家自体は寺の庫裏だけれど、同時に大谷口氷川神社の神職でもあった。野口家は1864年に安楽寺の住職になり、1871年に大谷口氷川神社の祀職となり当社は村社に列した。その後、明治初期の廃仏毀釈の流れの中で還俗して野口家になったと記録に残っている。
こういう神社であり仏教寺院でもあるという多神教世界として日本社会は熟成していた。一神教社会からは信じがたい「いい加減さ」と映るだろうけれど、しかし民のモラル意識は落とし物が多数届け出られるほどに非常に高い社会倫理を熟成させた。
日本人と宗教、そして倫理感をテーマにしながらこの野口家住宅をあす以降、見てみたい。

English version⬇

What is the Religious Reality of the Japanese People?　Hikawa Shrine and Anrakuji Temple
Although there is no international comparison in terms of the rate of reporting lost and found items, the high level of “ethics” among the Japanese is remarkable. Let’s look into it from the perspective of Shinto/Buddhist syncretized houses. …

I am keenly aware that Japanese society is truly a strange society. I was in Tokyo and Kanto from last weekend to the day before yesterday, and actually lost my SUICA card (tears). So, as a precautionary measure, I immediately reported the loss and purchased a usable SUICA card separately, since it immediately interfered with my mobile transportation.
Two days later, however, the details of the lost card were quickly revealed to me. It seems that when I was visiting a religious facility, I took the coin purse out of my pocket and threw in some money, and the SUICA card I had in the same pocket fell out and I didn’t notice it. Yesterday, the day after I returned to Sapporo, I received a phone call from the local police box informing me of the details of the SUICA card. ＜I guess they found out my phone number when I reported the incident. ＞I am still working on this interesting story.
I would like to report the details of this interesting incident again after it is settled, as it is still in progress.
I am still in the process of finalizing the details of this interesting incident, so I will report it to you again after the case is settled. This is often said, and I have had this experience several times, but I wonder if this is an indication of a truly great level of social maturity, or if it stems from a different national character.
I think it has a lot to do with the religiosity that has taken root in Japan.
In the special environment of an island nation, such spirituality is almost purely cultivated and has brought about a uniform sense of ethics. It seems to me that this is the case.
The eight million deities are universally present in the Japanese air, and the mihotoke, the savior of all sentient beings, provides salvation for all. While allowing for multiple religions, such as Shintoism and Buddhism, people’s sense of ethics has been raised to the utmost limit.
The house we interviewed for this report is one of the houses in an old private house garden in Urawa. The “old Noguchi family” used to house the abbot of Anrakuji Temple, a “separate temple” of the Oyaguchi Hikawa Shrine, which has a record of having received “10 koku of shrine territory” in 1649 (the last shrine of the same name at Hikawa Shrine in Musashi Ichinomiya Shrine).
It seems to be a proof that the Shinto/Buddhist syncretism had been continued in this local community quite naturally.
Although the house itself is a kori (storehouse) of the temple, it was also a Shinto priest of the Oyaguchi Hikawa Shrine. In 1864, the Noguchi family became the head priest of Anrakuji Temple, and in 1871, they became the head priest of Oyaguchi Hikawa Shrine, and the company was listed as a village shrine. Later, during the movement to abolish Buddhism in the early Meiji period (1868-1912), the Noguchi family was returned to the priesthood and became the Noguchi family, according to records.
Japanese society had matured into a polytheistic world that was both a shrine and a Buddhist temple. Although this may seem unbelievably “lax” to a monotheistic society, the moral consciousness of the people has matured to such an extent that many lost and found items are reported to the authorities.
I would like to visit the Noguchi family residence in the morning and later on, while discussing the theme of Japanese people, religion, and ethics.

Posted on 7月 27th, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 住宅取材＆ウラ話, 日本社会・文化研究 | No Comments »

最近の東京・関東出張では東京ビッグサイトを訪問することがメッチャ多い。わたしが関係する住宅などのイベントの常打ち会場であることが多いワケなのですが、それ以外の興味領域でも使用される割合が多く実感的にはほぼ毎回顔を出している状況です。正面外観は毎度、こんな顔で迎えてくれる。
なんとなく馴染みになってくる感覚があってキライではない。
東京湾の埋め立て地に立地していて、新橋からゆりかもめで大体30分程度。広大な敷地と室内空間面積の「展示場施設」としての利便性は高い。いま考えれば合理性もあるけれど、沿革を見ると以下。
「延床面積は約25ヘクタール総展示面積は約9.5ヘクタール。 建築総工費は1985億円。 東京都が1995年に世界都市博覧会（都市博）の会場として建設したが、青島幸男都知事の判断で都市博が中止になったため、中央区晴海（はるみ）にあった東京国際見本市会場を移転する形で開業した。」
で、見ているうちに、形態について深層心理みたいなことを想起するようになって、日本の宗教建築の屋根の張り出し、せり上がりがこの三角プロポーションとアナロジーさせられるようになって来た。４つ足の立柱と三角錐とのバランスが腑に落ちるようになってくる。下の写真は鹿島神宮桜門。
設計は（株）佐藤総合計画という現在所員数324名という組織設計事務所。

設計当初のプロポーザル案はこちらのような形態で、どうも「天空の城ラピュタ」がイメージとしてあったのだそうです。東京都のプロポーザル案件だったので、審査員には「多様な見方」を反映する意味で建築専門家以外のひとも多いことを見越して「わかりやすい」点を重視したモノでしょう。
ただその後、実施段階になってドンドン脚部が膨らみ、ズングリムックリ型になっていったとのこと。そして当初のイメージとは変容して日本的宗教建築のプロポーションに近づいていったのか。
埋め立て地域なのでとくに外観意匠にはチタン素材などの錆びない建材が多用されている。形態がどんどん宗教建築に近づいていったのに、そう感じさせずにモダンデザイン風に受け取ってきていたのには、そういった素材感からの「パッと」見の要素が大きいでしょうね。
ちょうどガウディの宗教建築・サグラダファミリアの設計趣旨展示会も東京近代美術館で開かれていて、建築デザインの趣旨説明をいろいろな側面からひもといていたので、それとの対比での「日本建築」としての見方をこのビッグサイト外観に当てはめてみた次第です。
まぁ、建築は出来上がってしまえばだれからも公平に端的に、見られる存在になるので、思った感じたことは、自由に論じあうべきものだと思います。わたしはこういう建物、悪くないと思う。

English version⬇

Tokyo Big Sight and Religious Architectural Design
Gaudi created the Sagrada Familia from the historical design of Christian and Islamic architecture in a unique way. What is the sense of form that is common to modern Japan? ……

On my recent business trips to Tokyo and the Kanto region, I have been visiting Tokyo Big Sight quite often. The site is often a regular venue for housing and other events that I am involved with, but it is also used for many other areas of interest as well, so I feel that I am visiting the site almost every time I am there. The front exterior greets us with a face like this every time.
It is not bad, as it has a sense of familiarity.
Located on a reclaimed land in Tokyo Bay, it takes about 30 minutes from Shimbashi by Yurikamome. It is highly convenient as an “exhibition facility” with its vast site and indoor space. The history of the building is as follows.
The total floor space is approximately 25 hectares, and the total exhibition area is approximately 9.5 hectares. The total construction cost was 198.5 billion yen. It was built by the Tokyo Metropolitan Government in 1995 as the venue for the World Urban Exposition (Urban Expo), but when Governor Yukio Aoshima decided to cancel the Expo, the Tokyo International Trade Fair Center was relocated to Harumi, Chuo-ku, and opened.
As I looked at the building, I began to think about the deep psychology of form, and began to make analogies between the triangular proportions of the overhanging and overhanging roofs of Japanese religious buildings and the balance between the four-legged standing columns and the triangular pyramid. The photo below shows the Kashima Jingu Shrine.
The design is by Sato Sogo Keikaku, an organizational design firm with 324 members.

The initial design proposal was based on the image of “Laputa: Castle in the Sky. Since this was a Tokyo Metropolitan Government proposal project, the jury members included many non-architectural specialists in order to reflect “diverse views,” and the emphasis was probably placed on “easy-to-understand” points.
However, the legs of the building swelled and became larger and larger as the project progressed to the implementation stage. The proportions of the building were transformed from the original image and became closer to the proportions of a temple building.
Because this is a reclaimed area, titanium and other rustproof construction materials were used extensively, especially for the exterior design. The fact that the form of the building was getting closer and closer to religious architecture, yet it was received in the style of modern design without giving that impression, must have been largely due to the “poof” factor from the texture of such materials.
The exhibition of the purpose of Gaudi’s religious building, Sagrada Familia, was also being held at the Museum of Modern Art, Tokyo, and I was looking into the design of the building from various aspects, so I tried to apply my view of “Japanese architecture” to the exterior of the Big Sight in comparison with the exhibition.
Well, once the architecture is completed, it will be seen fairly and straightforwardly by everyone, so I think we should freely discuss what we think and feel about it. I think this kind of building is not bad.

Posted on 7月 25th, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 「都市の快適」研究, 住宅マーケティング | No Comments »

この蓮見家住宅は江戸中期の農家住宅の典型的な仕様だと言われる。広間型三間取、寄棟造、茅葺。桁行七間（16.8m）梁間三間半（5.5m）。江戸市中では庶民は長屋に住み住み暮らしていた時代。一般的にはこういった農家の次男三男層は、この生家を離れて江戸に向かい、そこで職を見つけて長屋に住み、立身することを夢見ていたが、その多くは夢破れて帰る故郷もないまま、刹那的な人生を生きた時代。
広島県東部で暮らしていたわが家の江戸期の過去帳などを見てみても、身分制固定化社会での生きにくい現実の断片を証立てる現実に突き当たって、胸苦しさを覚えたりもする。夢見がちな幼少年期を過ぎてくれば、こういった現実に早々に放り出されただろう。そうであっても盆暮れなどには帰省することもあり、いっとき親子兄弟、幼なじみたちと屈託のない時間を過ごせただろうか。
しかし生家を継ぐ長男層としても厳しい年貢取り立て圧力のなかで苦しい生き様だったことはあきらか。そういうなかで、なんとか自作地を工夫して商品作物、この地域では幕末期などには輸出産業として活性化した養蚕業のためのクワを栽培して生き延びてきたのだろう。開国して経済的に自立できることへの期待感というのは民の側に大きかったに違いない。幕末期に自然発生した社会運動「ええじゃないか」の真実か。
住宅内部は間取り図の向かって右に間口の半分以上の土間を取り、土間に沿って梁間いっぱいに板の間のヘヤ、その上手にオクと、その裏側にナンドを配した、いわゆる三室広間型の間取り。ヘヤには囲炉裏を設け、囲炉裏に接し土間側に板敷きの床を張り出していて、このヘヤ後方には戸棚を造りつけている。だいたい計算してみるとこの「板敷きの間」は収納のナンドを含めて10坪程度20-22畳程度だろう。日本人の生活空間とは基本的にこのような形式であって、戦後普遍化した「個人主義」的な個室間取りというものとは無縁。
よく見てみるとこの板敷きのヘヤにだけ天井が張られている。やはり主要な生活空間では「断熱」の切実な工夫として密閉化を図った痕跡だろう。仕上げ的には竹簀子天井になっており、囲炉裏には火天がある。

唯一の畳敷きのオクには天井が張られておらず、屋根の裏側を直接見ることになる。座敷飾りとして床の間と仏壇、戸棚が設けられている。どのように使われたかの記録はないが、基本的には冠婚葬祭的なハレの場として利用されて、普段は寝室的な利用をされたものだろうか。
面積103㎡（約31坪）。正面から見て右側が馬屋の入口、左側が土間の入口となっている。土間と馬屋の間は柱が１本立っているだけで、馬屋に柵が設けられておらず、床も土間と一体となっている。
具体的な江戸期の庶民の暮らしようが立ち上ってくるたたずまい。

English version⬇

Edo Period Farmhouse / Floor Plan and People’s Lives: Development Farmhouse in Urawa-5
The state of the common farmhouse in the middle Edo period. The division of how the eldest son and the second and third sons stand. The severe way of life of each can be seen. ・・・・.

This Hasumi family residence is said to have typical specifications of a mid-Edo period farmhouse. It is a three-room, wide-plan house with a hipped roof and thatched roof. It has a girigakukan of 7 ken (16.8 m) and a beam span of 3.5 ken (5.5 m). In the Edo period, common people lived in row houses. Generally, the second and third sons of these farmers left their birthplace and headed for Edo, where they found jobs and lived in tenements, dreaming of a successful life, but many of them lived a transitory life without a home to return to.
When I look at the Edo period ledgers of my family, who lived in the eastern part of Hiroshima Prefecture, I sometimes feel a sense of bitterness as I come face to face with a reality that testifies to the fragments of a reality where life was difficult in a society with a fixed status system. If I had passed through my dreamy childhood, I would have been thrown out of this kind of reality as soon as possible. Even so, I would have returned home at the end of the Bon holidays and spent some carefree time with my parents, siblings, and childhood friends.
However, it is clear that even for the eldest sons who succeeded to the family of their birth, life was difficult under the severe pressure of collecting tribute. In such a situation, they must have managed to survive by devising ways to cultivate their own land to grow commodity crops, such as mulberry for sericulture, which became an active export industry in this region at the end of the Edo period. There must have been a great sense of anticipation on the part of the people that they would be able to open up the country and become economically independent. Is this the truth of the “ee-jana-nai” social movement that spontaneously emerged at the end of the Edo period?
The interior of the house has an earthen floor more than half the size of the frontage on the right side of the floor plan, a wooden floor with a hearth between the beams along the earthen floor, an oku (a small wooden box) on the upper side, and a nando (a wooden stand) on the back side, in a so-called three-room, wide-room layout. The hearth is set in the hearth, and a wooden floor is placed on the earthen floor side of the hearth, and a closet is built behind the hearth. The “itashiki-no-ma” is about 20-22 tatami mats, including the storage nandos, and is about 10 tsubo (about 1.5 square meters) in area. Japanese living space is basically in this form, and has nothing to do with the “individualistic” private room layout that has become universal since the end of World War II.
If you look closely, you can see that the ceiling is stretched only over this wooden floor. It is probably a trace of the attempt to seal the main living space as an earnest device for “heat insulation. The ceiling is finished with bamboo screens, and there is a fire pit in the sunken hearth.

The only tatami-matted oku does not have a ceiling, and the view is directly behind the roof. An alcove, a butsudan (Buddhist altar), and a cupboard are installed as part of the tatami room decorations. There is no record of how it was used, but it is likely that it was basically used for ceremonial occasions such as weddings and funerals, and was usually used as a bedroom.
The area is 103 square meters (about 31 tsubo). The entrance to the stable is on the right when viewed from the front, and the entrance to the earthen floor is on the left. There is only one pillar standing between the stable and the earthen floor, and the stable is not fenced in, and the floor is integrated with the earthen floor.
The floor is also integrated with the earthen floor. This is the kind of appearance that brings to mind the lifestyle of ordinary people in the Edo period.

Posted on 7月 23rd, 2023 by 三木 奎吾
Filed under: 住宅マーケティング, 日本社会・文化研究 | No Comments »