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【東京ビッグサイトと宗教建築デザイン】



最近の東京・関東出張では東京ビッグサイトを訪問することがメッチャ多い。わたしが関係する住宅などのイベントの常打ち会場であることが多いワケなのですが、それ以外の興味領域でも使用される割合が多く実感的にはほぼ毎回顔を出している状況です。正面外観は毎度、こんな顔で迎えてくれる。
なんとなく馴染みになってくる感覚があってキライではない。
東京湾の埋め立て地に立地していて、新橋からゆりかもめで大体30分程度。広大な敷地と室内空間面積の「展示場施設」としての利便性は高い。いま考えれば合理性もあるけれど、沿革を見ると以下。
「延床面積は約25ヘクタール総展示面積は約9.5ヘクタール。 建築総工費は1985億円。 東京都が1995年に世界都市博覧会(都市博)の会場として建設したが、青島幸男都知事の判断で都市博が中止になったため、中央区晴海(はるみ)にあった東京国際見本市会場を移転する形で開業した。」
で、見ているうちに、形態について深層心理みたいなことを想起するようになって、日本の宗教建築の屋根の張り出し、せり上がりがこの三角プロポーションとアナロジーさせられるようになって来た。4つ足の立柱と三角錐とのバランスが腑に落ちるようになってくる。下の写真は鹿島神宮桜門。
設計は(株)佐藤総合計画という現在所員数324名という組織設計事務所。

設計当初のプロポーザル案はこちらのような形態で、どうも「天空の城ラピュタ」がイメージとしてあったのだそうです。東京都のプロポーザル案件だったので、審査員には「多様な見方」を反映する意味で建築専門家以外のひとも多いことを見越して「わかりやすい」点を重視したモノでしょう。
ただその後、実施段階になってドンドン脚部が膨らみ、ズングリムックリ型になっていったとのこと。そして当初のイメージとは変容して日本的宗教建築のプロポーションに近づいていったのか。
埋め立て地域なのでとくに外観意匠にはチタン素材などの錆びない建材が多用されている。形態がどんどん宗教建築に近づいていったのに、そう感じさせずにモダンデザイン風に受け取ってきていたのには、そういった素材感からの「パッと」見の要素が大きいでしょうね。
ちょうどガウディの宗教建築・サグラダファミリアの設計趣旨展示会も東京近代美術館で開かれていて、建築デザインの趣旨説明をいろいろな側面からひもといていたので、それとの対比での「日本建築」としての見方をこのビッグサイト外観に当てはめてみた次第です。
まぁ、建築は出来上がってしまえばだれからも公平に端的に、見られる存在になるので、思った感じたことは、自由に論じあうべきものだと思います。わたしはこういう建物、悪くないと思う。

English version⬇

Tokyo Big Sight and Religious Architectural Design
Gaudi created the Sagrada Familia from the historical design of Christian and Islamic architecture in a unique way. What is the sense of form that is common to modern Japan? ……

On my recent business trips to Tokyo and the Kanto region, I have been visiting Tokyo Big Sight quite often. The site is often a regular venue for housing and other events that I am involved with, but it is also used for many other areas of interest as well, so I feel that I am visiting the site almost every time I am there. The front exterior greets us with a face like this every time.
It is not bad, as it has a sense of familiarity.
Located on a reclaimed land in Tokyo Bay, it takes about 30 minutes from Shimbashi by Yurikamome. It is highly convenient as an “exhibition facility” with its vast site and indoor space. The history of the building is as follows.
The total floor space is approximately 25 hectares, and the total exhibition area is approximately 9.5 hectares. The total construction cost was 198.5 billion yen. It was built by the Tokyo Metropolitan Government in 1995 as the venue for the World Urban Exposition (Urban Expo), but when Governor Yukio Aoshima decided to cancel the Expo, the Tokyo International Trade Fair Center was relocated to Harumi, Chuo-ku, and opened.
As I looked at the building, I began to think about the deep psychology of form, and began to make analogies between the triangular proportions of the overhanging and overhanging roofs of Japanese religious buildings and the balance between the four-legged standing columns and the triangular pyramid. The photo below shows the Kashima Jingu Shrine.
The design is by Sato Sogo Keikaku, an organizational design firm with 324 members.

The initial design proposal was based on the image of “Laputa: Castle in the Sky. Since this was a Tokyo Metropolitan Government proposal project, the jury members included many non-architectural specialists in order to reflect “diverse views,” and the emphasis was probably placed on “easy-to-understand” points.
However, the legs of the building swelled and became larger and larger as the project progressed to the implementation stage. The proportions of the building were transformed from the original image and became closer to the proportions of a temple building.
Because this is a reclaimed area, titanium and other rustproof construction materials were used extensively, especially for the exterior design. The fact that the form of the building was getting closer and closer to religious architecture, yet it was received in the style of modern design without giving that impression, must have been largely due to the “poof” factor from the texture of such materials.
The exhibition of the purpose of Gaudi’s religious building, Sagrada Familia, was also being held at the Museum of Modern Art, Tokyo, and I was looking into the design of the building from various aspects, so I tried to apply my view of “Japanese architecture” to the exterior of the Big Sight in comparison with the exhibition.
Well, once the architecture is completed, it will be seen fairly and straightforwardly by everyone, so I think we should freely discuss what we think and feel about it. I think this kind of building is not bad.

【初夏の道東-札幌円山オオウバユリ残照】




7/15からの3連休で道東に行っていました。最近は自分自身が取材などで道内出張する機会はほとんどないので、久しぶりの自然とのふれあい、空気感をカラダいっぱいに受け止めて、自分の中身が蘇ってくるような独特の感覚に包まれていました。
上の2枚の写真は宿泊していた中標津の路傍で見かけていたオオウバユリ。わたしのこの個人的なブログで札幌円山の散歩道でこの植物に深くシンパシーを感じていることはお分かりかと思いますが、そういう体験の積層から、独特の感覚で自生地がわかるので、ついクルマを停めて、たくさん「面会」してきました(笑)。「え〜、こんなとこで、急に!」とカミさんからは悲鳴が上がっていた(笑)。
このアイヌの人びとのソウルフードについてはもう10年近く地元札幌、それも散歩道の円山周辺でウォッチしてきていると思いますが、注意を向けるようになって以降、この時期に道東を走ることがなくなっていたので、ほとんど初対面のような出会い感でありました。
1枚目2枚目が道東中標津の路傍のヤツで、一方の3枚目が同時期の札幌円山地域のヤツ。あきらかに花房の量感がまったく違う。
さすがの圧倒的ボリューム感で訴えてくる中標津と、なんともスリムな札幌の自然。
花を見ると言うことで、人間のこころというのはどういう化学変化、反応を見せるものなのかはまったくわかりませんが、この両者の視覚体験の相違、視認心情の違いはわかりやすい。
たぶん自然の地力の違いが如実に表れているということなのでしょう。十数年前、札幌円山でもこの中標津での個体のような輝きも見ていたように思う。
花というのはいのちの精一杯の輝きであり、自然造形が生み出すドラマそのものでしょう。その個体がこの世にいのちを享けて生き抜いたという「叫び声」のようにも聞こえる。たぶん音楽的感受性ともっとも近いような視覚感性で受け止めているのでしょう。それはイキモノとしての同質性に強く訴求されてきて、その叫び声がこちら側と深く共振するような部分。
やはり圧倒的な中標津の自然の奥行き感に圧倒される。
一方で普段見慣れている札幌円山の痩せ細った個体の必死さにも深い共感を覚えさせられる。
これは比較対照するようなことではなく、それぞれの地でこの種が必死に次世代にいのちを継承しようとしている実証なのでしょう。先週にはほとんどの個体が花房を落として果実の結果に向かって変貌していました。本格的な夏の到来ですね。

English version⬇

Early Summer in East Hokkaido – Sapporo Maruyama Oubayuri Afterglow
Glamorous beauty and delicate beauty. Is it the difference between Nakashibetsu and Sapporo’s geographical strength or the difference in the natural power of the entire environment? But both are divine, desperately holding on to life. …

I was in East Hokkaido for three consecutive holidays starting on July 15. Since I rarely have the opportunity to travel within Hokkaido for interviews these days, I was surrounded by a unique feeling of being in contact with nature for the first time in a long time and receiving the atmosphere with all my energy, as if my innermost self was being revived.
The two photos above are of day lilies that I saw along the roadside in Nakashibetsu, where I was staying. As you may know from my personal blog, I have been deeply sympathetic to this plant on my walks in Maruyama, Sapporo, and I have a unique sense of knowing where it grows naturally, so I stopped the car and “visited” it a lot (laugh). (Laughs.) “Oh my God, here so suddenly! my wife screamed (laughs).
I have been watching the soul food of the Ainu people in my hometown of Sapporo for almost 10 years now, especially in the Maruyama area, but since I started paying attention to the Ainu people, I have not been driving in the east of Hokkaido during this season, so it was almost as if I was meeting them for the first time.
The first and second pictures are from a roadside in Nakashibetsu, while the third picture is from the Maruyama area of Sapporo at the same time. Obviously, the volume of the flower clusters is completely different.
Nakashibetsu’s flowers are overwhelmingly voluminous, while Sapporo’s are very slim.
I have no idea what kind of chemical changes or reactions the human mind undergoes when looking at flowers, but the difference in the visual experience and the difference in the perceived emotional state between the two is easy to understand.
Perhaps it is a true expression of the difference in the power of nature. I think I also saw the same kind of brilliance as this individual in Nakashibetsu more than ten years ago in Sapporo Maruyama.
Flowers are the fullest expression of life and the drama of nature’s formations. It sounds like the “cry” of an individual who has lived out his or her life in this world. Perhaps we perceive it with a visual sensibility that is closest to our musical sensitivity. It is a part that strongly appeals to our homogeneity as a creature, and its cry resonates deeply with our side.
The overwhelming sense of depth of Nakashibetsu’s nature is overwhelming.
On the other hand, the desperation of the emaciated individuals of Sapporo’s Maruyama, which we are accustomed to seeing in everyday life, also makes us feel deep sympathy for them.
This is not a matter of comparison and contrast, but rather a demonstration of how desperately this species is trying to pass on its life to the next generation in each location. In the last week, most of the individuals have dropped their flower clusters and transformed toward fruit results. Summer is in full swing.

【江戸期農家/間取りとひとの暮らし 浦和の開発農家-5】




この蓮見家住宅は江戸中期の農家住宅の典型的な仕様だと言われる。広間型三間取、寄棟造、茅葺。桁行七間(16.8m)梁間三間半(5.5m)。江戸市中では庶民は長屋に住み住み暮らしていた時代。一般的にはこういった農家の次男三男層は、この生家を離れて江戸に向かい、そこで職を見つけて長屋に住み、立身することを夢見ていたが、その多くは夢破れて帰る故郷もないまま、刹那的な人生を生きた時代。
広島県東部で暮らしていたわが家の江戸期の過去帳などを見てみても、身分制固定化社会での生きにくい現実の断片を証立てる現実に突き当たって、胸苦しさを覚えたりもする。夢見がちな幼少年期を過ぎてくれば、こういった現実に早々に放り出されただろう。そうであっても盆暮れなどには帰省することもあり、いっとき親子兄弟、幼なじみたちと屈託のない時間を過ごせただろうか。
しかし生家を継ぐ長男層としても厳しい年貢取り立て圧力のなかで苦しい生き様だったことはあきらか。そういうなかで、なんとか自作地を工夫して商品作物、この地域では幕末期などには輸出産業として活性化した養蚕業のためのクワを栽培して生き延びてきたのだろう。開国して経済的に自立できることへの期待感というのは民の側に大きかったに違いない。幕末期に自然発生した社会運動「ええじゃないか」の真実か。
住宅内部は間取り図の向かって右に間口の半分以上の土間を取り、土間に沿って梁間いっぱいに板の間のヘヤ、その上手にオクと、その裏側にナンドを配した、いわゆる三室広間型の間取り。ヘヤには囲炉裏を設け、囲炉裏に接し土間側に板敷きの床を張り出していて、このヘヤ後方には戸棚を造りつけている。だいたい計算してみるとこの「板敷きの間」は収納のナンドを含めて10坪程度20-22畳程度だろう。日本人の生活空間とは基本的にこのような形式であって、戦後普遍化した「個人主義」的な個室間取りというものとは無縁。
よく見てみるとこの板敷きのヘヤにだけ天井が張られている。やはり主要な生活空間では「断熱」の切実な工夫として密閉化を図った痕跡だろう。仕上げ的には竹簀子天井になっており、囲炉裏には火天がある。

唯一の畳敷きのオクには天井が張られておらず、屋根の裏側を直接見ることになる。座敷飾りとして床の間と仏壇、戸棚が設けられている。どのように使われたかの記録はないが、基本的には冠婚葬祭的なハレの場として利用されて、普段は寝室的な利用をされたものだろうか。
面積103㎡(約31坪)。正面から見て右側が馬屋の入口、左側が土間の入口となっている。土間と馬屋の間は柱が1本立っているだけで、馬屋に柵が設けられておらず、床も土間と一体となっている。
具体的な江戸期の庶民の暮らしようが立ち上ってくるたたずまい。

English version⬇

Edo Period Farmhouse / Floor Plan and People’s Lives: Development Farmhouse in Urawa-5
The state of the common farmhouse in the middle Edo period. The division of how the eldest son and the second and third sons stand. The severe way of life of each can be seen. ・・・・.

This Hasumi family residence is said to have typical specifications of a mid-Edo period farmhouse. It is a three-room, wide-plan house with a hipped roof and thatched roof. It has a girigakukan of 7 ken (16.8 m) and a beam span of 3.5 ken (5.5 m). In the Edo period, common people lived in row houses. Generally, the second and third sons of these farmers left their birthplace and headed for Edo, where they found jobs and lived in tenements, dreaming of a successful life, but many of them lived a transitory life without a home to return to.
When I look at the Edo period ledgers of my family, who lived in the eastern part of Hiroshima Prefecture, I sometimes feel a sense of bitterness as I come face to face with a reality that testifies to the fragments of a reality where life was difficult in a society with a fixed status system. If I had passed through my dreamy childhood, I would have been thrown out of this kind of reality as soon as possible. Even so, I would have returned home at the end of the Bon holidays and spent some carefree time with my parents, siblings, and childhood friends.
However, it is clear that even for the eldest sons who succeeded to the family of their birth, life was difficult under the severe pressure of collecting tribute. In such a situation, they must have managed to survive by devising ways to cultivate their own land to grow commodity crops, such as mulberry for sericulture, which became an active export industry in this region at the end of the Edo period. There must have been a great sense of anticipation on the part of the people that they would be able to open up the country and become economically independent. Is this the truth of the “ee-jana-nai” social movement that spontaneously emerged at the end of the Edo period?
The interior of the house has an earthen floor more than half the size of the frontage on the right side of the floor plan, a wooden floor with a hearth between the beams along the earthen floor, an oku (a small wooden box) on the upper side, and a nando (a wooden stand) on the back side, in a so-called three-room, wide-room layout. The hearth is set in the hearth, and a wooden floor is placed on the earthen floor side of the hearth, and a closet is built behind the hearth. The “itashiki-no-ma” is about 20-22 tatami mats, including the storage nandos, and is about 10 tsubo (about 1.5 square meters) in area. Japanese living space is basically in this form, and has nothing to do with the “individualistic” private room layout that has become universal since the end of World War II.
If you look closely, you can see that the ceiling is stretched only over this wooden floor. It is probably a trace of the attempt to seal the main living space as an earnest device for “heat insulation. The ceiling is finished with bamboo screens, and there is a fire pit in the sunken hearth.

The only tatami-matted oku does not have a ceiling, and the view is directly behind the roof. An alcove, a butsudan (Buddhist altar), and a cupboard are installed as part of the tatami room decorations. There is no record of how it was used, but it is likely that it was basically used for ceremonial occasions such as weddings and funerals, and was usually used as a bedroom.
The area is 103 square meters (about 31 tsubo). The entrance to the stable is on the right when viewed from the front, and the entrance to the earthen floor is on the left. There is only one pillar standing between the stable and the earthen floor, and the stable is not fenced in, and the floor is integrated with the earthen floor.
The floor is also integrated with the earthen floor. This is the kind of appearance that brings to mind the lifestyle of ordinary people in the Edo period.

【300年前の調理煮炊き空間 浦和の開発農家-4】




浦和の開発農家・蓮見家の台所空間。
土間に隣接して囲炉裏が板の間にあってそのすぐ近くに「流し」がある。土間と裏口をはさんでカマドが対置されている。現代の間取りでいえばシステムキッチンとダイニングの空間に相当している。というか、およそ300年前の調理空間だけれど、現代と通底する面が非常に多いと思う。
流しでの作業では水瓶から取水しながら食材を洗い包丁で裁断しながら、一方で加熱調理火力は基本的にはカマドでメイン食材を調理し、補助的に囲炉裏火力も利用したのだろう。それらの動線がたいへん合理的な間取りで構成されていることが一目瞭然。
これより古い時代の戦国期の調理の場の復元などを見る機会があったけれど、そこでは流しが「座った」姿勢で作業するスタイルが取られていた。広い板敷き空間でたくさんの女性たちがほぼ座った体制で、調理作業に向き合うというのがより原初的であるのかと思わされたけれど、この江戸中期の時代・関東の農家住宅では「立って」食材と向き合うスタイルになっている。時代の進化だろうか。作業効率的にどう考えても、座ったままの状態では力仕事的な調理作業などにはあまり合理的とは言えないだろう。まぁ一方でその分、盛り付け作業などの繊細な部分についてはこの座作業で日本的気遣い文化が盛り上がった可能性がある。
日本の家庭料理文化にこのポイントがどのように影響を与えたのか,興味深い。
台所の作業空間にはその時代での女性を中心としたライフスタイルが顕著に反映していると思う。最近の家事と間取りの関係を見ると、夫婦共働きを前提にして、洗濯と乾燥、衣類の整理作業が非常に合理的に、時間節約的になっていてファミリークローゼットが主役化してきている。台所は食卓と一体化してより作業効率的な合理化が進展していると思います。
この江戸期農家住宅でも基本的に女性は「共働き」が前提でしょう。室内空間のおよそ半分を占める土間空間は基本的に農作業のための主要装置であり、生業である農業の核心作業空間。早朝からの屋外作業のための準備から夜なべ仕事としての「縄」などの植物繊維加工作業まで、朝から夕方、夜まで基本的には農作業が延々と続く毎日。これら土間での農事作業との時間節約型での「連続性」が大きな「解決課題」だった様子がわかる。当然日々の農事に関連した食材が食卓に上っただろうから、一体化は必然でもあった。
まぁ、現代では食の空間以上に洗濯乾燥仕舞などの作業も肥大化してきているので、まことに「世に連れて」家事作業の解決方法は変化してきていると思う。
いずれにしてもこうした先人の生活痕跡には深くリスペクトさせられる。

English version⬇

300-year-old cooking and boiling space Urawa development farmer-4
How did the rational change of “sink” from sedentary to standing work affect the Japanese lifestyle? …

Kitchen space of the Hasumi family, a development farmhouse in Urawa.
Adjacent to the earthen floor is a sunken hearth on a wooden floor with a “sink” in the immediate vicinity. A kamado is placed across the earthen floor and the back door. In a modern layout, this space would correspond to a system kitchen and dining room. Although the cooking space is about 300 years old, it has many similarities with the modern kitchen.
In the sink, food was washed and cut with a knife while water was drawn from a water bottle, while the main food was basically cooked in a kamado and hearth heat was used as an auxiliary heat source. It is obvious at a glance that these lines of flow are composed of a very rational floor plan.
I had an opportunity to see a reconstruction of a cooking area from the Warring States period, which was much older than this, where the sink was used in a “sitting” position. I thought it was more primitive to have a large number of women sitting down in a large wooden floor to face the cooking work, but in this farmhouse in the Kanto region during the mid-Edo period, they are “standing” to face the foodstuffs. Is this an evolution of the times? In terms of work efficiency, sitting down is not very reasonable for heavy-duty cooking. On the other hand, the Japanese culture of care and attention to detail in such delicate tasks as serving may have been enhanced through the use of this sitting style of cooking.
It is interesting to see how this point influenced the Japanese home cooking culture.
I think that the kitchen workspace reflects the lifestyle of the time, especially that of women. Looking at the relationship between housework and the floor plan these days, based on the assumption that both husband and wife work, washing and drying and organizing clothes have become very rational and time-saving tasks, and the family closet has taken on a leading role. The kitchen is integrated with the dining table, and I believe that more efficient rationalization of work has progressed.
Even in this Edo period farmhouse, women are basically supposed to “work together”. The earthen floor space, which occupies about half of the interior space, is basically the main equipment for farm work, and is the core work space for farming, which is the livelihood of the farmers. From early morning preparation for outdoor work to nighttime work processing plant fibers such as “rope,” farm work basically goes on and on from morning to evening and into the night. It is clear that time-saving “continuity” with the farm work in the earthen floor was a major “problem to be solved. Naturally, food related to the daily farm work would have appeared on the dining table, so the integration of the two was inevitable.
Well, nowadays, washing, drying, and putting away clothes has become even bigger than the space for food, so I think that the solution to housework has changed “with the times.
In any case, I deeply respect the traces of our ancestors’ lives.

【関東再開発の神「東照大権現」か? 浦和の開発農家-3】




旧蓮見家住宅はさいたま市緑区井沼方、大宮台地の南端部、見沼の低地から入り込む谷に突き出た舌状台地上に所在していた。1730年当時開拓された「見沼たんぼ」のなかに「蓮見新田」もある。この地域は幕府直轄領であり「村高」は66石という記録がある。この一家が生産する米は成人66人が1年間に消費する量に相当するという記載とのこと。
建物の建築年代を直接示すものはなく明らかではないが、構造手法から見て、江戸時代中期18世紀の前半、ちょうど1730年という年代時期に相当すると推定。そうすると約300年前となるか。桁行16.75メートル、梁間5.4メートルの寄棟造り、茅葺屋根の建物。たぶん新田開発を進めながらその農作業にも従事していた、その生産拠点としてやや高台の立地に建てられ、土地を管理していたのでしょう。関東のような平野部でも自然地形での高低差はあり、低地は水利を得やすく水田造営に適していたでしょうが、そのことは水害被害に遭いやすいということでもあり、居住家屋としては農地に適さない高台を選択したものでしょう。そういう土地利用は関東でよく見かける。
内部は向かって右に間口の半分以上の土間を取り、土間に沿って梁間いっぱいに板の間のヘヤ、その上手にオクと、その裏側にナンドを配している。いわゆる三室広間型の間取り。ヘヤには囲炉裏を設け、囲炉裏に接し土間側に板敷きの床を張り出していて、このヘヤ後方には戸棚を造りつけている。
この建物の特徴として、南面するヘヤにはシシマド(格子窓)があること、柱は1間ごとに直接礎石の上に立つこと、大黒柱は細く杉材が使われている等があげられる。
シシマド・格子窓は「シシよけ窓」などと呼ばれており、イノシシやオオカミなどの獣の侵入を防ぐためのものだと言われて関東・中部地方に多く見られるという。逆に言うと家屋に対してそういった動物たちが進入を試みることがあったということ。
上の写真では外観の中央に格子窓がある。内観側の様子をあわせて見ていただきたい。内部側からはあんまり格子の存在は感じない。たんなる「明かり窓」のように思える。
やや高台の住居という条件では当然周囲は森に囲まれた環境になり、そういった獸たちが旺盛にテリトリーを作っていたのでしょう。現代北海道ではふたたびヒグマの害が増加してきているけれど、江戸期の関東開拓進行期でも、そういう用心が建築的にまで計られていた。いかにも「開発農家」的な雰囲気が色濃く感じられる。
こういった関東での再開発が、明治以降北海道の「開拓農家」への民族的導火線になっていったというようにも類推が働いてくる。利根川東遷などの大規模自然改造・再開発が江戸期を通じて行われた、そういう意味では関東は「新開地」そのものだったのか。家康に捧げられた「東照大権現」という名前の意味があらためて興味深く想起される。

English version⬇

The God of Kanto’s Redevelopment, Tosateru Daigongen? Development farmers in Urawa-3
The “Shishimado,” a lattice window and a defensive device against wild boars and wolves, tells the story of the “newly developed land. Is the precedent of Hokkaido development the Kanto redevelopment? …

The former Hasumi family residence was located in Inumakata, Midori-ku, Saitama City, on the southern edge of the Omiya Plateau, on a tongue-shaped plateau that juts out into the valley that enters from the Minuma lowlands. This area was under the direct control of the shogunate, and the “village height” was recorded as 66 koku. It is said that the amount of rice produced by a family is equivalent to the amount consumed by 66 adults in a year.
Although there is no direct evidence of the building’s construction date, it is estimated to be in the first half of the 18th century during the middle of the Edo period (1730), which would make it approximately 300 years old. That would make it approximately 300 years old. It is a hipped-roof building with a thatched roof, 16.75 meters long and 5.4 meters beam-to-beam. It was probably built on a slightly elevated site as a production center for the development of new rice paddies and farming activities, and was probably used to manage the land. Even in the plains of the Kanto region, there are differences in elevation in the natural topography, and while lowlands are probably more suitable for paddy field development due to the ease of obtaining water, this also means that they are more susceptible to flood damage, so they probably chose higher ground for their residences, which is not suitable for farming. Such land use is often seen in the Kanto region.
The interior has an earthen floor more than half the width of the frontage on the right, a heya (a wooden floor) between the beams along the earthen floor, an oku (a wooden floor) above the heya, and a nando (a wooden floor) behind the heya. The floor plan is what is called a “three-room, wide-room” type. The hearth is set in the hearth, and the earthen floor is covered with wooden planks.
The only tatami-matted oku has an alcove, a butsudan (Buddhist altar), and a cupboard for decoration in the tatami room.
Other features of this building include shishimado (lattice window) on the south-facing heya, pillars standing directly on the foundation stone every 1 ken, and the daikoku-bashira (main pillar) made of thin cedar wood.
Shishimado or lattice windows are called “shishimado-yado” (meaning “window to keep out wild boars and wolves”), and are said to be common in the Kanto and Chubu regions of Japan. Conversely, such animals sometimes attempted to enter the house.
In the photo above, there is a lattice window in the center of the exterior. Please take a look at the interior as well. From the interior, the latticework is not so obvious. It seems to be just a “light window.
The house is located on a slightly elevated plateau and is naturally surrounded by forest, so these animals must have been actively establishing their territory. Even in the Edo period (1603-1868), when the Kanto region was being pioneered, such precautions were taken even architecturally. The atmosphere of a “development farmer” is strongly felt.
It is analogous to the way that the redevelopment of the Kanto region became a national focal point for Hokkaido’s “pioneer farmers” after the Meiji period. In this sense, the Kanto region may have been a “newly developed land” itself. The meaning of the name “Tosateru Daigongen,” which was dedicated to Ieyasu, is once again interestingly recalled.

【江戸の首都建設と並行した新田開発 浦和の開発農家-2】



きのう家康による「利根川東遷」という関東開発の大土木公共事業について触れた。家康が信長と同盟関係を結ぶ時のエピソードとして信長が常識的に京大阪という中心地域、畿内方面に勢力を拡張する方針を示したのに対して、家康は武家勢力の伝統的志向として東国方面に向かっての勢力拡張を目指したと言われている。
当時の織田徳川関係での平和共存、同盟としては当然の方針だったと思うけれど、ある意味ホンネでもあった可能性がある。信長後継の秀吉政権として家康に関東移転を命じたときに従順に従ったのには、そういう要素が色濃くあったのではないかと推測できる。
「あんた関東好きなんでしょ?」「上様、その通りでござる」
領国経営という意味では、基本的な生産力を上げることが自分の勢力拡大の最大の機会。家康はそういう方面のテクノラートを積極的に引き立てている。この利根川東遷計画に伴う土地開発計画でこの大土木工事には代官頭・伊奈備前守忠次を始めとする伊奈一族が伝世、中心的な存在として任用され続けた。事業の継続性には江戸政権の命運も掛かっていたと思える。やがて利根川の東遷から、荒川の西遷という土木事業をも誘発して関東中部地域の地盤安定・新田開発などの事業が伸展していった。
歴史事実としてはどうしても政戦のことが主に注目されるけれど、派手な政治軍事の底流ではこうした地道な自然改造努力が支えていた側面が大きい。家康という人物からはこういった目配りに繊細な感覚が見える。


一般社団法人 東京建設業協会のHPに「江戸幕府 60年かけ瀬替え、開削の大規模治水事業」という記事があって詳細な記述が見られます。この公共事業が江戸の新都市開発にとっていかにキモであり、その事業の成功が現代に至る首都機能の中核になっていることがわかる。
そしてその大計画は長い時間を掛けて継続され、1700年代初期に至ってこの家の周辺、浦和近辺での新田開発「蓮見新田」を造営してそれを見下ろす舌状台地上に、この事業主体者として旧蓮見家は建設された。茅葺き寄棟造りで、さいたま市内で一番古い民家と考えられている。
去年より今年、そして来年はもっと広げたいと新田開発の様子を毎日確認しながら、農作業・土木作業に取り組んでいたに違いない。新田開発に必至で取り組んでいた1700年代前期の開発農家の暮らしようが伝わってくる
はるかな後世の現代人は関東地域というと基盤整備の進んだ以降の姿しか知らないけれど、北海道で言えばつい150年ほど前の最初期の開拓農家とも似通った空気感が漂っていることになる。そう考えると高々100年程度の時間相違しかない。日本史の身近さ。その当時から歳月の積層による空間の変化はあるだろうけれど、建物の端々にその当時の人びとの息づかいは残されている。
歴史の時間の掘り起こしと住宅の取材とが絡み合って、独特のよろこびを感じることができる。最近見た間宮林蔵さんの生家にも似た雰囲気とも言えるだろうか。

English version⬇

Development of New Rice Fields Parallel to the Construction of the Edo Capital: Development Farmers in Urawa-2
Major civil engineering work in Kanto is the fundamental stable foundation for the establishment of the Edo shogunate. A major civil engineering project to create an economic foundation to replace war civil engineering. The foundation of Ieyasu’s success. ・・・・.

Yesterday, I mentioned Ieyasu’s “Tone River eastward shift”, a major public engineering project for the development of the Kanto region. It is said that when Ieyasu formed an alliance with Nobunaga, Nobunaga’s policy was to expand his power in the central region of Kyoto-Osaka and the Kinai region, whereas Ieyasu’s policy was to expand his power toward the eastern part of the country, which was the traditional orientation of samurai power.
This was a natural policy for the peaceful coexistence and alliance between Oda and Tokugawa at that time, but it is possible that Ieyasu was also sincere in a sense. When Hideyoshi, the successor to Nobunaga, ordered Ieyasu to relocate to the Kanto region, I suspect that there was a strong element of this in Ieyasu’s obedience to the order.
You love Kanto, don’t you? “You are right, my liege, that I do.
In terms of managing a fiefdom, the greatest opportunity to expand one’s power is to increase the basic productive capacity. Ieyasu is actively promoting technorats in that direction. The Ina family, including Ina Bizen no Tadatsugu, the head deputy magistrate, continued to be appointed as a central figure in this major land development project for the Tone River eastward shift project. It seems that the fate of the Edo administration also depended on the continuity of the project. Eventually, the eastward shift of the Tone River triggered the westward shift of the Arakawa River, which led to civil engineering projects to stabilize the ground in the central Kanto region and to the development of new rice paddies.
Although the political battles are the main focus of historical attention, the underlying political and military activities were largely supported by these steady efforts to improve the nature of the region. Ieyasu shows a delicate sense of attentiveness to such matters.

The Tokyo Construction Contractors Association website has an article “Edo Shogunate Spent 60 Years Replacing Segai and Opening the Sea for Major Flood Control Projects” with a detailed description. The article, “The Edo Shogunate Spent 60 Years Changing Segae and Opening the Sea,” provides a detailed description. It shows how this public works project was the key to the development of the new city of Edo, and how the success of the project has become the core of the capital’s functions to the present day.
The great plan was continued over a long period of time, and by the early 1700s, the old Hasumi House was built on a tongue-and-groove plateau overlooking the new rice paddy development “Hasumi Shinden” in the vicinity of this house, Urawa, as the main entity of this project. The house is a thatched hipped roof structure and is considered the oldest private house in Saitama City.
They must have been engaged in farming and civil engineering work, checking daily on the development of new rice paddies, hoping to expand the area this year and next year more than last. This photo conveys the way of life of farmers in the early 1700s, when they were working hard to develop new rice paddies.
Although people of today’s generation only know of the Kanto region as it has appeared since the development of the infrastructure, the atmosphere in Hokkaido is similar to that of the earliest pioneer farmers of Hokkaido, only 150 years ago. In that sense, the difference in time is only about 100 years at most. The familiarity of Japanese history. Although the space may have changed over the years, the buildings still retain the breath of the people of that time.
The intertwining of the excavation of historical time and the coverage of the houses gives me a unique sense of pleasure. The atmosphere is similar to that of Ino Tadataka’s birthplace, which I saw recently.

【縄文海進と家康の「関東大改造」 浦和の開発農家-1】




商家2軒をひもといてみた浦和の「民家園」保存建物の続篇。今回は地域の開発農家住宅篇です。関東を家康が治めるに際してかれは大規模な自然改造計画を打ち出している。上の外観写真の下は今回の住宅に関連する「見沼たんぼ」を赤く図示した広域図、そして巨大自然改造計画「利根川東遷」の図。
関東平野というのは日本最大の平野部でありながら、縄文海進の名残が強く残っていて整合的な河川構成ではなく、最大の暴れ川・利根川が江戸湾(東京湾)に注いでいて中心地域・江戸ですら安定した地面の確保が難しい広大な地域。巨大な湿潤平野地域が生む「坂東太郎」という巨大雲の造形が作られる。
そういう地域だけれど、武家権力にとっては鎌倉期以来の「本願」の地。ヤマト王権が比較的に安定した地盤面と気候風土の「畿内」地域を基盤として成立したのにはそういう背景事情があったと思うし、東国・関東をどう安定支配するかが日本の権力の歴史的「課題」でもあったのだろう。
そういう地域の支配権を秀吉は家康に与えた。基本的には関東に「封じ込めた」のだろう。安定した領土・東海5カ国を取り上げて関八州と交換させた。「これでオレの権力はひと安心だ」と思ったに違いない。そういう不利な領土移転に対して地道な領土経営を家康は坦々と進める。
家康の天下取りは、かれの「治政・治山治水能力」に依るところが大きいのではないかと思っています。なんといってもその最たるものは関東での利根川の東遷計画の遂行でしょう。
いまは「どうする家康」の度肝を抜くファンタジーぶりが話題になっていますが、かれの能力は三河・遠江・駿河の3カ国支配から信長の死を経てあっという間に甲斐・信州を併合した統治能力と、その後の秀吉による関東移封を見事に逆手にとって、関東に平和と政治体制の安定をもたらした手腕に依るところが大きい。武田氏や北条氏の遺臣たちがあっという間に家康に従ったことが、すなわち人心と地域の安定をもたらし、それがかれの天下制覇に繋がったのだと思うのです。
ぜひそのような非ドラマチックなテーマをたっぷりと見せ場にすることを期待したい(笑)。でもまぁ、そういうのはムリでしょうね。たぶん信長や秀吉のような重商主義変革路線に対して、農本主義的な支配体制路線が対置されるのでしょう、常識的に。
で、戦国期に盛り上がった「築城土木技術」が、家康によってこの利根川東遷計画という驚嘆すべき平和的な河川土木工事・建築工事に昇華させられたことが、かれ家康の隠れた「革命性」だったように思われるのです。さてどうでしょうか?
こういう自然大改造計画というのは日本史上でも稀有。鎌倉武士以来、辛苦を重ねてきた関東支配が実質的に完成した巨大事業。いなほの国・日本の政治権力の正統性は、やはり自然をしっかりコントロールする能力に淵源を持つのだと思う。日本全体にとって次の民族的領土経営課題は北海道に受け継がれる。
紹介する「旧・蓮見家住宅」は、この家康の大土木事業に関連した自然改造の結果、新規造成された田園の新興地主農家住宅という性格が強い。前段の地域開発側面の把握に沿って明日以降に続けます。

English version⬇

Jomon sea advance and Ieyasu’s “Great Kanto Reform” Development Farmers in Urawa-1
Public works projects to remodel nature from the viewpoint of “management” rather than “domination”. The basis of this project, the Tone River eastward shift project, is a gigantic flood control project. The “Tosateru Daigongen,” the sovereign of God. The “Tosetsu Daigongen” character, the divine sovereign.

A continuation of the “Minka-en” preserved buildings in Urawa, where we looked into two merchant houses. This time, we will look at the development of farmhouses in the area. When Ieyasu Ieyasu ruled the Kanto region, he launched a large-scale natural remodeling project. Below the exterior photo above is a red map of the “Minuma-tambo” area related to the houses in this issue, and a map of the “Tone River Eastward Transition,” a massive natural remodeling project.
The Kanto Plain is the largest plain in Japan, but it is a vast area where the remnants of the Jomon sea advance remain strong and the river configuration is not consistent, and the largest river, the Tone River, flows into the Edo Bay (Tokyo Bay), making it difficult to secure stable ground even in the central area, Edo. The huge humid plain area creates a huge cloud formation called “Bando Taro.
Although it is such an area, it has been the land of “Hongan” for the samurai power since the Kamakura period (1185-1333). I believe that this was the background for the establishment of the Yamato kingdom based on the relatively stable ground and climate of the Kinai region, and that the stable control of the eastern provinces and the Kanto region was also a historical “issue” for the Japanese power.
Hideyoshi gave Ieyasu the right to control such areas. Basically, he “contained” them in the Kanto region. He took away the five stable territories of the East Sea and exchanged them for the eight provinces of Sekihachishu. He must have thought, “Now my power is secure. Ieyasu’s steady territorial management in the face of such unfavorable territorial transfers proceeded smoothly.
I believe that Ieyasu’s success in the country was largely due to his “ability to govern and control mountains and floods. The most important of these was his plan to shift the Tone River eastward in the Kanto region.
Although “What to do about Ieyasu” is currently the talk of the town for its mind-boggling fantasy, Ieyasu’s ability to govern is largely due to his ability to rule the three provinces of Mikawa, Omi, and Suruga, and then, after Nobunaga’s death, to annex Kai and Shinshu in a flash, and to his skill in taking advantage of Hideyoshi’s subsequent move to Kanto, bringing peace and political stability to the region. The success of the shogunate was largely due to its ability to bring peace and political stability to the Kanto region. The fact that the vassals of the Takeda and Hojo clans quickly followed Ieyasu’s lead, in other words, brought stability to the region and to the hearts of the people, and I believe that this is what led to Ieyasu’s conquest of the region.
I would love to see you showcase such a non-dramatic theme in your film (laugh). But, well, such a thing would be impossible. Perhaps the heavy mercantilist reformist line of Nobunaga and Hideyoshi would be opposed to the nouveau riche ruling system line, as common sense would dictate.
The fact that Ieyasu sublimated the “castle-building civil engineering technology” that flourished during the Warring States period into the marvelous and peaceful river engineering and construction work known as the Tone River Eastward Expansion Project seems to have been Ieyasu’s hidden “revolutionary” nature. What do you think?
This kind of major natural remodeling project is rare in the history of Japan. It was a gigantic project that practically completed the rule of the Kanto region, which had been painstakingly ruled since the time of the Kamakura samurai. I believe that the legitimacy of the political power of Japan, the Land of Inaho, has its origin in the ability to firmly control nature. For Japan as a whole, the next national territorial management issue led to the management of Hokkaido.
The “Former Hasumi Family Residence” introduced here is a newly created rural farmhouse of the Hasumi family, which was the result of the natural remodeling related to Ieyasu’s major land development project. We will continue tomorrow and beyond in line with the understanding of the regional development aspect of the previous section.

【農本主義から資本主義へ社会転換 中山道・浦和宿の町家-9】




江戸期というのは本来海洋国家であった日本が貿易による海外発展を制限して、国内治安優先で作り上げた社会だった。そのなかで経済は土地執着性の強い武家の価値感が主体的で、基本的にコメ生産中心の考え方で各藩毎の経済規模を、万石単位というコメ生産基準で定めていた社会。
しかし、コメ生産は江戸幕府体制が確立して100年後ほどの1700年前後には総人口3,000万人に対してほぼ調和する3,000万石生産が達成されて、その後は幕末までそのコメ生産規模が安定して推移したとされる。人口1人あたり年間消費は1石というのが単位の計算基準。
で、基本になるコメ生産は増えずに一定に定まってくると、それ以外の商品作物に農地を利用するようになるのが自然の成り行き。そういったなかで、開明的な藩などが大阪の全国流通市場を睨んで積極的に全国規模での「名産」づくりに取り組んでいった。江戸中期以降、コメ生産以上にこうした商品作物の多様化が進展した。日本各地の文化的多様性はこのことが裏付け。
社会固定的な米一本足経済から、社会全体の経済発展の結果、多様な商品作物が経済の中心領域に推移していったということだろう。多様な商品作物毎に最適化された肥料を選別的に商う商家というビジネスが成立するほどになっていったのだろう。幕末期に開国に舵を切っていく政治変動はこうした経済発展の必然だったともいえるのだろう。
わたしの生家、父は戦後期には北海道の商品作物産品を買い付けて大阪の市場に対して送るビジネスを行っていた。小作解放によって得られた自作農の地位だけでなく、いわば商品作物流通、それも全国規模での市場構造に着目して、投機的なビジネスを行っていたというのです。
一時期は親の代から根付いた北海道栗沢を中心とした地域で「ユリ根」を集中生産して大阪まで送りつけて利を得ようとした。けれど、商品市場では「暴落」という事態もまま発生する。貨車を仕立てて大阪まで全財産を賭けてユリ根を大量に送ってから至急電報で「大阪の市場価格暴落!」の知らせが入って、急遽、貨車を新潟で停止させて、それをまだ暴落していなかった関東に送ることで危機を免れたという。
あまりにも投機的な危険性に深く気付いて、その後、札幌での食品製造業に進出していくきっかけだったと父のコトバで聞いたことがある。
街道筋の商家という共通性のある浦和の古建築をみることで、江戸から今日に至る農本主義から資本主義経済への転換期の民衆の生活史を具体的にみることができたように思う。そのままわが家の家系の推移もシンクロさせてみていた。非常に生々しい記憶なども再生されてきてしまった。
北海道内の住宅史推移なども見てきていたけれど、むしろこういった商家の生業感のほうが自分的にはよりリアリティがあり、取材の観点でもより奥行きを感じさせられる。

English version⬇

Social Transformation from Farmerism to Capitalism: Machiya in Urawa-juku, Nakasendo – 9
A major social transformation to a commodity distribution economy in a concentrated city. This group of merchant houses visualizes the transformation from the Edo period to the present day. …

During the Edo period, Japan, originally a maritime nation, restricted overseas development through trade and created a society that prioritized domestic security. In this society, the economy was based on the values of the samurai clans, which were strongly attached to the land, and the economic scale of each clan was basically based on rice production, which was defined by the rice production standard of 10,000 goku.
However, around 1700, about 100 years after the establishment of the Edo shogunate, rice production reached 30 million koku, which was in harmony with the total population of 30 million, and remained stable until the end of the Edo period. The standard for calculating the unit is that each person in the population consumes one stone of rice per year.
When rice production, which is the basis of the unit, was fixed at a certain level without increasing, it was natural to think of using farmland for other commodity crops. In such a situation, open-minded clans and others actively worked to produce “specialty products” on a national scale, with an eye on the nationwide distribution market in Osaka. From the mid-Edo period onward, the diversification of such commodity crops progressed beyond rice production.
This may be the result of the economic development of society as a whole, which has shifted from a fixed, single-footed rice economy to one in which a variety of commodity crops are at the center of the economy. The business of merchants who selectively traded fertilizers optimized for each of the various commodity crops may have been established. The political changes that led to the opening of Japan to the outside world at the end of the Edo period can be seen as an inevitable consequence of this economic development.
In the postwar period, my father’s family was engaged in the business of buying commodity crops from Hokkaido and sending them to the Osaka market. He was engaged in a speculative business, focusing not only on the status of tenant farmers, which had been gained through the liberation of smallholdings, but also on the distribution of commodity crops, so to speak, and the structure of the market on a national scale.
For a time, he tried to gain profit by producing “lily root” intensively in the area centering on Kurisawa, Hokkaido, where it had taken root since his parents’ generation, and sending it to Osaka. However, the commodity market was prone to “crash prices. After sending a large quantity of lily bulb to Osaka with all his money, he received a telegram immediately saying, “The market price of lily bulb in Osaka has plummeted! The company was able to avoid the crisis by stopping the wagons in Niigata and sending them to the Kanto region, where the market had not yet plummeted.
I have heard my father say that this was the beginning of his later foray into the food manufacturing business in Sapporo, as he was deeply aware of the dangers of being too speculative.
By looking at the old architecture of Urawa, which has the commonality of being a merchant house on a street, I think I was able to see in concrete terms the history of the people’s lives during the transition from an agrarian to a capitalist economy from the Edo period to today. I was also able to synchronize the transition of my family’s history. I was able to replay some very vivid memories.
Although I have seen the history of housing in Hokkaido, I feel that this kind of business of a merchant family is more realistic and gives me a greater sense of depth from the perspective of the research.

【商品作物経済の基幹「肥料」 中山道・浦和宿の町家-8】




江戸期には京都で旺盛に盛り上がった呉服産業があり、綿の生産には大量の魚肥が必要とされて、その需要が蝦夷地のニシン漁の漁獲・運送を盛んにさせたことが知られる。高田屋嘉兵衛という事業者の成功には、京阪神地域での産業革命、ビジネス革命があったことが偲ばれる。社会が沸騰するような農産物の多様化・産業化が進んだのでしょう。
呉服産業というのはまったくのファッション産業だけれど、江戸期の社会発展はそういう産業基盤条件を形成していったということ。幕府が繰り返し「贅沢禁止令」みたいなものを発出した背景にはそういった社会発展に伴う強い需要があったと言われる。
また幕末期以降には横浜の開港、海外貿易の開始という経済的インパクトが起こって、とくに関東一円では「養蚕」業が旺盛に発展した。その蚕のためのクワの生産が空前の需要を生んでいった。
そうした商品作物の生産競争の中で、単位面積あたりの収量を左右する「肥料」に農家経済は依存を深めていった事情が垣間見える。肥料屋さんという商売が大きく成立した背景には、江戸期以降からの多様な商品作物の生産の盛り上がりが大きい。日本資本主義の勃興期そのものだろうか。とくに消費都市大都会・江戸の需要に応える意味合いがこの浦和宿ではきわめて大きかったのでしょう。浦和周辺地域からの江戸・東京への商品作物出荷も盛んだったことだろう。
上の写真は浦和の町家のなかでも広い間口を開いているこの店舗のようす。江戸期・明治大正戦前期には大八車などで「肥料」搬出入が繰り返された。運搬動力としては基本的には馬が使われたのでしょう。3枚目の写真は昭和30年代の店舗の写真だそうですが、よくみると店の前に「オート三輪」とおぼしきトラック車両が横付けされて肥料が積み出されている。
買い付けに訪れる農家や「仲買人」たちがこの肥料店で購入して、店舗奥側のバックヤードから運び出された商品がこの店先から出荷されていった状況なのだろう。
明治以降、開拓が進展した北海道札幌でも、よく似た光景が展開していて、幹線道路「石山道路」に面していたわたしの生家前には運搬に使役された馬たちの「馬糞風」が吹いていた。そして運搬動力はこの写真のようにオート三輪が活躍した。たぶん似た光景がこの浦和宿でも見られていたに違いない。自分自身が体験した幼年期の記憶がシンクロしてくる。


店舗内の風景としては「量り売り」のための計量器がドンと鎮座している。大量取引の場合はこうした計量器が使用され、より小口取引の場合には、マスでの販売が行われたというような説明が行われていた。まことに画期ある商取引の状況が活写されている。
昨日よりも今日、そしてあしたはもっと良くなるということを多くの人びとが信じていた。

English version⬇

Fertilizer, the backbone of the commodity crop economy.
The air is filled with the vitality of the contact point of the commodity crop economy, the active buying, selling, and transporting of fertilizers. The breath of a manufacturing society. The breath of a manufacturing society.

It is known that the kimono industry flourished in Kyoto during the Edo period, and that the production of cotton required large amounts of fish manure, the demand for which stimulated the fishing and transportation of herring in the Ezo region. The success of an entrepreneur named Takataya Kahei is remembered for the industrial and business revolution in the Kyoto-Osaka-Kobe region. It must have been the diversification and industrialization of agricultural products that brought society to a boiling point.
The kimono industry is a totally fashionable industry, but the social development during the Edo period formed such industrial base conditions. It is said that there was a strong demand for such products due to social development, which was the reason why the shogunate repeatedly issued a kind of “luxury prohibition.
In addition, after the end of the Edo period, the opening of the port of Yokohama and the start of overseas trade had an economic impact, and the “sericulture” industry developed vigorously, especially in the Kanto area. The production of mulberry for silkworms created unprecedented demand.
In the midst of such competition in the production of commodity crops, the farm economy became increasingly dependent on “fertilizers,” which were crucial to the yield per unit area. The background to the establishment of the fertilizer business is largely due to the rise in the production of various commodity crops since the Edo period. Was this the very period of the rise of Japanese capitalism? In particular, the Urawa-juku must have been extremely significant in meeting the demands of the consumer metropolis of Edo. The shipment of commodities from the Urawa area to Edo and Tokyo must have been very active.
The photo above shows a store with a wide frontage among the town houses in Urawa. During the Edo period and the Meiji-Taisho prewar period, “fertilizer” was repeatedly carried in and out of Urawa by large carts and other vehicles. The third photo is said to be a photo of the store from the 1950s, and if you look closely, you can see a truck vehicle that looks like an “auto three-wheeler” parked in front of the store, and fertilizers are being loaded out.
It is likely that farmers and “middlemen” visiting the store to buy fertilizers purchased the products at this store, and the products were shipped out from the back yard at the rear of the store.
In Sapporo, Hokkaido, where pioneer settlers developed after the Meiji period, a similar scene was often seen, with the “horse dung wind” of horses used for transportation blowing in front of my birthplace, which faced the Ishiyama Road, a main road. As you can see in the photo, three-wheeled motorcycles were used for transportation. A similar scene must have been seen at the Urawa Inn. My own childhood memories of the Urawa Inn are synchronized with this scene.

As a view inside the store, a weighing scale for “weighing and selling” is sitting on the floor. The explanation was that such a scale was used for large volume transactions, while mass sales were used for smaller transactions. This is truly a vivid picture of business transactions in an epoch-making period.
Many people believed that today and tomorrow would be better than yesterday.

【伝統的「塗屋造」で大火に耐える 中山道・浦和宿の町家-7】



写真は浦和の町家、旧・綿貫家の壁面の構造と外観。外観からは通りに面した開口部でもていねいに木部が土壁で「塗り籠められて」いる。建物外部の柱や窓枠などを大壁造として白壁で塗り籠む建築様式。内部からは柱が見えるが、外部からは柱や窓の木部が見えない。
明治22年の浦和の大火にもこの家は無事に残った。現在は移築保存されていて、忠実に解体前の造作が復元されているけれど、移築前の外観写真では白壁ではなく、全体として「黒塗り」のような印象。

これはこの明治の大火のときに、周辺からの火焔に燻された結果のようだ。「塗屋造」は近世以降の町家によく用いられ、耐火建築としての効用からつくられた。一般に町家では側面は1、2階とも塗り籠められるが、正面と背面の一階部分は軒裏の垂木(たるき)や桁(けた)などが塗り籠められるのみで、柱や格子はそのまま木材部分を現し、腰回りの蹴(け)込み部分も木を残している。
ただ塗屋造といっても、すべてを塗り籠めるわけではなく、なかには背面の軒裏を省略するもの、また二階の壁体部分を塗り籠めるだけで、正面・背面とも軒裏は塗り籠めないものなど、簡略化したものもある。この綿貫家では解体前も移築後も正面の柱まで塗装仕上げされている。かなり念入りな防火への備え。
こういう塗屋造りの問題点はなんと言っても工事価格が高いこと。江戸期の大工仕事でどれほどだったかは、資料に乏しいけれど、塗り壁はすべて手作りなので手間がかかりどうしても工期が長くなる。そのため、人件費がかかり材料によっては価格が高くなってしまうデメリットがある。

そこでふと気付いたのが、この綿貫家では肥料などの商い、それも大口需要に対してのビジネスが主体であったと言うこと。店舗内には厳重な耐火金庫が見られ、その風貌・印象共に「証文」などの超一級ビジネス文書が厳重管理されていた様子をうかがわせている。こころなしか、この金庫、たしかに大火をも生き延びたような風格を淡々と物語っているように感じさせられる。
「○○屋さん、お宅との商取引の証文、無事でしたよ(笑)」
「おお、それはよかったですね(ゲ、マジかよ,しぶといヤツだなぁ)」
土蔵造りなどの建物が大火を生き延びた様子の大和絵などは風俗画として残されているけれど、日本の商業の発展にとって繰り返された都市火災を生き延びることは、必要要件だったことだろう。とくに火災に繰り返し襲われ続けた町人主体の街、江戸の近隣都市商家として生き延びる必須要件だったと思う。
解体前のこの商家のたたずまいから、日本の資本主義の生々流転を感じる次第。最近はデジタル化が進んで取引でも、こういう目に見える建築文化要素が消えてゆくだろうか。さて。

English version⬇

Traditional “Nuriya-zukuri” style townhouse in Urawa-juku, Nakasendo district, withstood a large fire.
The rise and fall of commerce due to repeated “big fires” in Japan, a cultural sphere of wooden architecture. The wisdom of architectural fire prevention to fight against crisis. Protect the business certificate! ・・・・・.

The photo shows the wall structure and exterior of the former Watanuki house, a townhouse in Urawa. From the exterior, even the openings facing the street are carefully “painted” with clay walls. The exterior columns and window frames are painted with white walls in a large wall construction style. The pillars can be seen from the inside, but the wood of the pillars and windows cannot be seen from the outside.
The house survived the Great Urawa Fire of 1889. The house has been relocated and preserved, and the original structure has been faithfully restored to its original state.

This seems to be the result of being smoked by flames from the surrounding area during the Great Fire of the Meiji Era. The “nuriya-zukuri” style was often used in machiya (townhouses) from the early modern period onward, and was created for its utility as a fireproof building. In general, the sides of machiya houses are painted on both the first and second floors, but only the rafters and girders behind the eaves are painted on the front and rear ground floors, leaving the pillars and latticework as they are and the wooden parts around the hips.
Some of them omit the eaves lining on the back, while others only paint the walls of the second floor, but not the eaves lining on both the front and the back. In the Watanuki house, the front pillars were painted both before and after demolition and reconstruction. This is a very careful preparation for fire prevention.
The problem with this type of nuriya-zukuri is the high cost of construction. Although there is little information available on how much carpentry work was done during the Edo period, the labor required to paint walls is all handmade, which inevitably lengthens the construction period. Therefore, there is a disadvantage that the cost of labor and some materials are more expensive than others.

Then, I suddenly realized that the Watanuki family was mainly engaged in the fertilizer business, which was a business for large orders. Inside the store, there is a fireproof safe, and its appearance and impression suggest that top-class business documents such as “certificates” were kept under strict control. Perhaps it is because of its appearance, but the safe seems to have survived the great fire.
The safe was in the safe.
“Oh, I’m glad to hear that.
Yamato-e paintings depicting how buildings in the dozo-zukuri style survived large fires have been preserved as genre paintings, but surviving repeated urban fires must have been a necessary condition for the development of commerce in Japan. In particular, I believe it was a prerequisite for the survival of merchant houses in the neighborhoods of Edo, a city where townspeople were the main residents, to survive fires that repeatedly ravaged the city.
The appearance of this merchant house before its demolition reminds me of the life and death of Japanese capitalism. I wonder if these visible elements of architectural culture will disappear in the course of trade with the advance of digitalization these days. Now, let’s see what happens next.